Senin, 28 Mei 2018

INtoleranDONES1A (3)






TEMPO.COJakarta - Direktur Eksekutif Lembaga Bantuan Hukum (LBH) Jakarta Alghifari Aqsa mengatakan tidak heran hasil survei menunjukkan mantan Presiden Soeharto sebagai pemimpin Indonesia yang paling berhasil.
"Hal yang tidak mengherankan karena Orde Baru berhasil menghegemoni rakyat Indonesia puluhan tahun," kata Alghifari saat dihubungi, Senin, 21 Mei 2018.
Presiden Indonesia kedua itu dinilai sebagai presiden paling berhasil dalam memimpin Indonesia, disusul Sukarno dan Joko Widodo. Kesimpulan itu didapat dari hasil survei yang dilakukan Indo Barometer terhadap 1.200 responden di 34 provinsi Indonesia.
Selain itu, oligarki yang selama ini mengabdi kepada Soeharto masih menempati posisi strategis sehingga bisa mempengaruhi masyarakat Indonesia. Hegemoni yang kuat, kata dia, membuat masyarakat lupa kejamnya Orde Baru.
Padahal, dia menambahkan, rezim Orde Baru dimulai dengan dibunuhnya jutaan orang. Bahkan diisi dengan banyak pembunuhan dan pelanggaran serta diakhiri dengan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, seperti kerusuhan Mei 1998 dan penghilangan paksa. "Survei ini menjadi tamparan," ujarnya.
Berdasarkan survei yang dilakukan pada 15-22 April 2018, Soeharto menempati posisi pertama sebagai presiden paling berhasil dengan dipilih 32,9 persen responden, lalu Sukarno di posisi kedua 21,3 persen.
Sedangkan di posisi ketiga ada presiden ketujuh atau yang kini menjabat, Joko Widodo, dengan 17,8 persen, disusul Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono 11,6 persen.
Selanjutnya posisi kelima B.J. Habibie 3,5 persen, posisi keenam Abdurrahman Wahid 1,7 persen, dan terakhir Megawati Sukarnoputri 0,6 persen.

Berdasarkan survei, salah satu faktor yang menyebabkan Soeharto menjadi presiden paling berhasil lantaran keberhasilan ekonomi dan sosial pada masa Orde Baru dibanding era reformasi. Keberhasilan Orde Baru dalam ekonomi itu paling tinggi dengan 54,6 persen dan sosial 43,2 persen.
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Dompu detik - SETARA Institute mengutuk aksi persekusi yang menimpa jemaah Ahmadiyah di Dusun Grepek Tanak Eat, Desa Greneng, Kecamatan Sakra Timur, Kabupaten Lombok Timur, Nusa Tenggara Barat. Dia menyebut aksi yang dilakukan oleh massa dari desa setempat itu didasari sikap kebencian dan intoleransi.

Ketua SETARA Institute Hendardi mengatakan kebencian dan intoleransi yang tumbuh di masyarakat harus ditangani sebagai tantangan dan potensi ancaman keamanan nyata. Sebab, menurutnya, intoleransi adalah tangga pertama menuju terorisme. 

"Sedangkan terorisme adalah puncak intoleransi. Oleh karena itu, energi pemberantasan terorisme harus dimulai dari hulu, yakni intoleransi sebagaimana yang terjadi di Lombok Timur ini. Jika dibiarkan, aspirasi politik kebencian dan intoleransi dapat berinkubasi menjadi aksi-aksi terorisme," kata Hendardi dalam keterangan tertulisnya, Minggu (20/5/2018).


Hendardi menjelaskan, indikasi akan adanya aksi persekusi sebenarnya sudah dirasakan oleh warga Ahmadiyah sejak bulan Maret lalu dan sudah dilaporkan kepada aparat kepolisian dan pemerintah setempat. Beberapa kali dialog antar warga juga dihadiri oleh aparat Polsek Sakra Timur dan Polres Lombok Timur. 

"Dalam dialog-dialog tersebut, kelompok warga intoleran menuntut warga Ahmadiyah untuk keluar dari keyakinan mereka dengan ancaman pengusiran jika tuntutan tersebut tidak diindahkan," ujarnya.


Hendardi mengatakan aksi persekusi itu merupakan tindakan melawan hukum, bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai Pancasila, dan merusak kebhinekaan. Dia juga menyesalkan kegagalan polisi dalam mengantisipasi dan mencegah terjadinya kekerasan itu.

"Kapolri harus memberikan perhatian besar terhadap kinerja aparat keamanan dalam mencegah kekerasan atas nama agama. Fokus aparat kepolisian atas penanganan terorisme yang dilakukan oleh jaringan teroris nasional dan transnasional tidak boleh mengurangi perhatian aparat untuk melindungi warga minoritas dari rasa takut (fear), tidak aman (insecure) dan terancam (threatened) akibat teror kekerasan mengatasnamakan keyakinan mayoritas. Justru pada aksi-aksi sejenis inilah ekstensi kerja pemberantasan terorisme harus dilakukan, meskipun dengan kerangka hukum yang berbeda," paparnya.

SETARA juga menuntut Pemerintah untuk menjamin keamanan jiwa raga dan hak milik seluruh warga Ahmadiyah, khususnya di Nusa Tenggara Barat. Pemerintah juga diminta segera mengambil tindakan untuk melakukan pemulihan atas hak-hak korban yang terlanggar.

"Pengusiran dan pelanggaran berbagai hak dasar Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Mataram satu dekade yang lalu tidak boleh berulang dan menjadi pola tindakan massa dan pemerintah terhadap perbedaan keyakinan, mazhab, dan agama," ujarnya.

Selain itu, lanjut Hendardi, aparat keamanan dan pemerintah setempat harus memastikan kondusivitas sosial dengan mencegah eskalasi ketegangan sosial yang disebabkan oleh perbedaan agama/berkeyakinan. Sebab, menurutnya, pembiaran kekerasan seperti yang terjadi atas warga Ahmadiyah ini akan semakin membuka ruang bagi politisasi agama, intoleransi, dan ujaran kebencian untuk kepentingan politik elektoral jelang pilkada serentak, pemilu, dan pilpres mendatang. 
(idh/tor)

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Yogyakarta - Kasus intoleransi yang terjadi di Kota Yogyakarta baru-baru ini, yakni penolakan sejumlah organisasi masyarakat terhadap rencana kebaktian nasional reformasi 500 tahun gereja, tidak bisa dilepaskan dari kasus-kasus intoleransi lainnya.
Peneliti Pusat Studi Keamanan dan Perdamaian UGM Dr Muhadi Sugiono, Selasa (24/10) mengatakan bahwa peristiwa tersebut merupakan bagian dari fenomena yang sedang terjadi pada masyarakat Indonesia, di mana eskalasi tindak intoleransi makin meningkat.
“Untuk alasan, semua bisa dicari, artinya ada celah untuk memanfaatkan itu. Tetapi justru yang namanya toleransi itu adalah bukan membenarkan kesalahan, tetapi harusnya tidak mempermasalahkan perbedaan,” tegasnya.
Mahadi pun menyoroti, persoalan penolakan pengelola Kridosono pada rencana ibadah tersebut, sesungguhnya murni terjadi karena persoalan pengguna dan pengelola tempat. Dasarnya adalah kontrak. “Tidak mungkin panitia menyelenggarakan kegiatan tanpa kontrak terlebih dahulu, dan itu artinya ‘membayar’. Kalau pengelola menyatakan tidak memberikan izin, berarti hal itu tidak berkaitan dengn pihak kepolisian. Bahkan dari Kepolisian, izin pun hanya berupa pemberitahuan untuk kegiatan keagamaan, jadi tidak ada alasan benturan dalam hal perizinan,” ujarnya.
Alasan lain, yang muncul di masyarakat adalah pemurtadan. Muhadi, justru bertanya, yang mau dimurtadkan pihak mana?
“Kalau iya pun, mustinya yang marah adalah umat Kristen. Pokoknya ini tidak masuk akal, intinya mereka tidak suka ada acara seperti itu, persoalannya mengapa tidak suka. Kalau ada pengajian akbar pun tidak pernah ada persoalan. Ini alasan yang dibuat-buat,” ucapnya.
Pertanyaannya, mengapa Yogyakarta didominasi kelompok antitoleransi. “Mengapa mereka bisa mewakili orang Yogya, mengatur seenaknya, ini pekerjaan rumah bersama bangsa Indonesia dan pemerintah harus tegas, harus hadir,” ucapnya.
Kalaupun persoalan izin yang menjadi penghambat, harusnya pemda yang membubarkan, bukan ormas.
“Ini sebuah ironi, di saat kita berlomba-lomba membina kebinekaan, kebangsaan, kita justru jadi bertanya-tanya. Bangsa Indonesia itu yang mana?” katanya.
Di saat bangsa Indonesia berbicara soal kesatuan dan NKRI, Muhadi menegaskan tidak ada artinya jika masih ada kelompok-kelompok yang ingin menang sendiri dan mau mengatur sesuai keinginan sendiri.
“Artinya, ini sudah keterlaluan. Sekarang sudah saatnya, orang-orang seperti ini tidak dibiarkan, tidak diberi tempat,” tegas Muhadi.
Hal lain, staf pengajar Hubungan Internasional UGM ini juga menyoroti lemahnya dimensi pendidikan di dalam politik. Hanya karena kekuasan, oknum-oknum bisa memaninkan kartu-kartu.
“Yang harus dilakukan adalah pendidikan politik pada seluruh masyarakat untuk melek betul tentang apa terjadi, sekaligus yang diinginkan dan menghindari pesan-pesan yang sembunyi di balik perlakuan intoleransi tersebut,” ujarnya.
Persoalannya, lanjutnya, apakah masyarakat sudah terlalu permisif atau tidak tahu, atau bahkan cenderung apatis yang justru jadi lahan subur bagi mereka. “Masyarakat harus diberdayakan. Cara pikir yang toleransi itu, ya mereka harus aktif juga, tidak diam. Toleran itu artinya, tidak toleran pada intoleransi,” ucapnya.
Kerangka hukum dan UU dalam kehidupan beragama di Indoensia, sudah cukup jelas, dan secara konstitusi, Negara harus mengambil tempat, memberikan peran dalam keadilan.
“Yogya sebagai city of tolerance hanya menjadi wacana,” tutupnya



Sumber: Suara Pembaruan
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media indonesia: PERLAHAN tapi pasti tabir siapa aktor di balik Saracen mulai ter­singkap.
Penyidik kepolisian kini telah menemukan titik terang orang atau pengendali utama dari kelompok yang memproduksi ujaran kebencian berkonten suku, agama, ras, dan antargolongan (SARA) di media sosial itu.
Sebagaimana penuturan Kasubdit I Tindak Pidana Siber Bareskrim Polri Kombes Irwan Anwar kepada Media Indonesia di Jakarta, kemarin.
“Saracen hanya satu dari sekian kelompok yang dikelola dan didanai kelompok besar. Pengendali kelompok besar itu seorang politikus yang berasal dari sebuah partai politik. Dari analisis dan hasil pemeriksaan yang kami lakukan, nanti ketahu­an,” kata Irwan.
Irwan melanjutkan kelompok-kelompok yang bermunculan sejak lima tahun lalu itu terhubung satu sama lain.
“Semuanya berpusat ke satu kelompok di atasnya dan ada ruang-ruang yang menghubungkan antarmereka.”
Sebelumnya, polisi menangkap Jasriadi, Muhamad Faizal Tanong, dan Sri Rahayu Ningsih pada rentang 21 Juli-7 Agustus 2017 serta Asma Dewi di 8 September 2017. Asma Dewi ternyata terhubung dengan Saracen, terutama dengan Jasriadi. Hal tersebut diketahui dari bukti transaksi senilai Rp75 juta untuk menggunakan jasa Saracen.
Mengenai tersangka Jasriadi, lanjut Irwan, penyidik telah membuktikan yang bersangkut-an memiliki relasi luas dengan politikus dan media massa. Hubungan itulah yang membuat Jasriadi memiliki keterampilan menulis dan melek politik.
“Dia belajar autodidak. Jasriadi bahkan membuat pelatihan khusus cara-cara menulis ujaran kebencian di Hambalang. Dia sempat hendak menjadi pemateri sebuah pelatihan, tetapi keburu kami tangkap. Kami fokus pada tindak pidana yang dilakukannya,” ujar Irwan.
Menurut Irwan, Saracen kerap berubah nama dalam kegiatannya menyebarkan ujaran kebencian. Beberapa nama mereka antara lain Keranda Ahok Jokowi, Pendukung Anies-Sandi, Saracen, dan NKRI Harga Mati.
“Kami telusuri semua itu. Sekarang kan dampaknya.”
Berkas lengkap
Kabag Penum Mabes Polri Kombes Martinus Sitompul menambahkan, berkas perkara atas nama Muhammad Faizal Tanong kini telah lengkap dan segera masuk ke tahap penuntutan.
“Jumat (15/9) kejaksaan memberi tahu berkas tersangka sudah lengkap atau P-21. Berkas Jasriadi masih harus dilengkapi. Kejaksaan telah menerima berkas tersangka Sri Rahayu Ningsih dengan dugaan penghina Presiden melalui Facebook. Adapun penyerahan tersangka dan barang bukti dilaksanakan Selasa (26/9),” ungkap Martinus.
Jaksa Agung HM Prasetyo ­mengakui pihaknya sudah meminta fatwa dari Mahkamah Agung untuk menggelar persidangan Sri Rahayu Ningsih di PN Jakarta Selatan kendati peristiwanya (locus delicti) berlangsung di Cianjur, Jawa Barat.
Sri Rahayu Ningsih menjadi tersangka dalam dua kasus, yaitu penghinaan terhadap Presiden Joko Widodo di jejaring sosial Facebook dan keterlibatannya sebagai pengelola Grup Saracen.
Grup Saracen diketahui membuat sejumlah akun Facebook, di antaranya Saracen News, Saracen Cyber Team, dan Saracennewscom.
Kelompok Saracen diduga menawarkan jasa penyebaran ujar-an kebencian bernuansa SARA di media sosial. (Ant/X-3)
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TANGERANG, KOMPAS.com - Wakil Gubernur terpilih DKI Jakarta Sandiaga Uno menegaskan Asma Dewi bukan bagian dari tim pemenangannya semasa Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 silam.

Dewi merupakan tersangka kasus ujaran kebencian yang menyebarkan konten negatif saat Pilkada DKI Jakarta dan mengaku sebagai relawan pasangan Anies Baswedan dan Sandi.

"Bu Asma Dewi bukan dari tim pemenangan, tapi relawan yang cukup aktif. Selama kampanye, kami selalu mengingatkan jangan ada ucapan kebencian," kata Sandi saat ditemui Kompas.com di British School of Jakarta, Bintaro Sektor 9, Pondok Aren, Kota Tangerang Selatan, Jumat (15/9/2017) malam.

Sandi mengungkapkan, dirinya tidak kenal dengan Dewi. Namun, dia membenarkan bahwa Dewi adalah salah satu relawannya. Menanggapi kasus yang menjerat Dewi, Sandi hanya bisa menyampaikan rasa prihatinnya.

"Tentunya kami sangat prihatin kalau polisi menemukan pelanggaran hukum Bu Asma Dewi," tutur Sandi.

Baca: Asma Dewi Sebar Ujaran Kebencian Terkait SARA Saat Pilkada DKI Jakarta

Polisi menangkap Dewi atas dugaan penyebaran ujaran kebencian dan penghinaan terhadap kelompok tertentu melalui akun Facebook-nya, beberapa waktu lalu.

Dari pengembangan perkara, diketahui Dewi mentransfer Rp 75 juta kepada kelompok Saracen.

Menurut polisi, nama Dewi tertera dalam struktur pengurus Saracen yang tercantum dalam website. Namun, Dewi membantah dirinya bagian dari kelompok tersebut.

Baca: Polisi Sebut Nama Asma Dewi Ada dalam Struktur Pengurus Saracen



Merdeka.com - Direktorat Tindak Pidana Siber Bareskrim Polri menangkap Asma Dewi, Senin (11/9). Awalnya, polisi menangkap Dewi karena mengunggah konten ujaran kebencian dan penghinaan agama dan ras tertentu.

Berdasarkan pengembangan kepolisian, Asma Dewi yang ditangkap di Jl Ampera Raya, Jakarta Selatan tersebut diduga pula pernah mentransfer uang sebesar Rp 75 juta ke pengurus inti kelompok Saracen. 

Kelompok tersebut sebelumnya telah diciduk akibat menyebarkan ujaran kebencian dan konten berbau SARA di media sosial.

Ketua Presidium 212 Slamet Maarif menjelaskan Asma Dewi pernah menjabat sebagai wakil bendahara Presidium 212 di saat kepemimpinan Ustaz Ansufri Idrus Sambo.

"Dulu dia Presidium Ustaz Sambo. Kan masuk dalam struktur organisasi yang Presidium dulu. Iya yang saya dengar waktu itu dia (Asma Dewi) Wakil Bendahara,"
kata Slamet saat dikonfirmasi merdeka.com, Selasa (12/9).

Slamet menjelaskan, usai Presidium 212 berganti kepemimpinan, Asma Dewi menjadi tak aktif dalam kelompok tersebut. Usai Ustaz Sambo tak lagi menjabat, Asma sudah jarang ikut dalam rapat mau pun pelbagai kegiatan dari kelompok yang merupakan peserta aksi Bela Islam tersebut. Oleh sebab itu, Slamet yang juga Juru Bicara Front Pembela Islam (FPI) ini mengaku tidak akrab dengan Asma Dewi.

Menurut Slamet, saat dirinya memimpin Presidium 212, sempat pula ingin mempertahankan Asma Dewi sebagai Wakil Bendahara. Namun, dikarenakan Asma Dewi tak aktif dalam pelbagai kegiatan, maka niat itu diurungkan.

"Pertama kita minta jadi wakil bendahara juga tapi waktu itu dia jalan enggak aktif, suka enggak hadir," ujar Slamet.

Asma Dewi memang tak begitu terkenal dibandingkan dengan nama-nama lain dalam aksi Bela Islam. Namun, namanya pernah mencuat dalam aksi Tamasya Al Maidah. Nama Asma Dewi tertulis dalam selebaran yang terkait kampanye mengawal pelaksanaan pemungutan suara Pilgub DKI. 

Terkait hubungan Asma Dewi dengan Tamasya Al Maidah, Slamet mengaku tidak mengetahuinya. "Saya enggak tahu. Yang kenal dekat Ustaz Sambo," tukasnya.

Dewi ditangkap polisi pada Jumat (8/9) di Komplek Angkatan Kepolisian Republik Indonesia (AKSI), Jalan Ampera Raya, Jakarta Selatan.

Kadiv Humas Mabes Polri, Irjen Pol Setyo Wasisto mengatakan, polisi akan menelusuri uang Rp 75 juta yang dikirim Asma Dewi ke Saracen.

"Kan kita enggak tahu dia nyari order kemudian dikirim atau dia yang order, belum tahu. Apa salah satu kaki tangan yang mengambil itu. Karena kan aliran dananya diinfokan dari dia, ke siapa, terus diserahkan lagi ke siapa," kata Setyo di Kompleks Mabes Polri, Jakarta Selatan, Senin (11/9).

Polisi masih menggali keterangan dari Dewi. Polisi belum bisa memastikan status Dewi sebagai pemesan ujaran kebencian atau hanya sebagai donatur untuk kelompok Saracen.

"Masih didalami. Yang jelas, aliran dananya ada. Dia kan baru ditangkap kemarin. kita liat apakah terlibat dalam itu," ujarnya. [rzk]

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Jakarta detik - Indonesia ternyata menempati peringkat kedua di dunia dalam daftar jumlah militan asing ISIS yang ditangkap di Turki. Hal ini menimbulkan kekhawatiran Australia.

Menurut data dari Kementerian Dalam Negeri Turki seperti dilansir media Australia, News.com.au, Sabtu (15/7/2017), dari total 4.957 militan asing ISIS yang ditangkap di Turki, warga Rusia adalah yang terbanyak di dunia, yakni 804 orang. Diikuti kemudian oleh warga Indonesia yang berjumlah 435 orang.

Dituliskan News.com.au, pejabat-pejabat penegak hukum Australia telah lama prihatin akan jumlah warga Indonesia yang bertempur bersama ISIS di Suriah dan kembali ke Indonesia serta berbaur kembali ke masyarakat dengan bebas.

Untuk membahas kepulangan para militan ISIS tersebut, kepala-kepala kontraterorisme dan menteri-menteri pemerintah Australia akan menghadiri sebuah konferensi di Indonesia dalam dua pekan ini. Para pejabat Australia tersebut juga akan membahas ancaman yang ditimbulkan dari para petempur ISIS yang pulang tersebut dengan para pejabat Indonesia.

Bulan lalu, otoritas Indonesia mengumumkan bahwa 152 WNI yang dideportasi dari Turki antara Januari dan Juni tahun ini, telah dipulangkan ke desa-desa mereka setelah menjalani program deradikalisasi. Namun ada kekhawatiran bahwa sejumlah militan ISIS tersebut tengah merencanakan serangan-serangan di Indonesia.

Olivier Guitta, CEO of GlobalStrat, perusahaan konsultasi keamanan dan risiko geopolitik mengomentari peringkat kedua WNI dalam daftar jumlah militan asing ISIS yang ditangkap di Turki. Dalam serangkaian postingannya di Twitter mengenai angka tersebut, Guitta mengatakan bahwa "sangat mengkhawatirkan bagi keamanan Indonesia bahwa begitu banyak warga negaranya yang telah bergabung atau mencoba bergabung dengan ISIS di Suriah".

"Jumlah warga Indonesia anggota ISIS yang ditangkap di Turki benar-benar membingungkan dan merupakan kejutan besar karena mereka nomor 2," ujar Guitta.

Dikatakan Guitta, meski statistik dari Kementerian Dalam Negeri Turki tersebut tidak menyebutkan periode penangkapan, namun menurutnya kemungkinan adalah sejak tahun 2015 hingga sekarang.

Menurut analis terorisme Sidney Jones seperti dikutip News.com.au, banyaknya jumlah warga Indonesia yang ditangkap di Turki mungkin disebabkan oleh fakta bahwa banyak wanita dan anak-anak yang ditangkap setelah pergi ke Suriah bersama keluarga mereka.

"Ketika Anda mengatakan 'jihadis', imej Anda adalah salah satu petempur pria, namun banyak warga Indonesia yang pergi bersama keluarga dengan tujuan yang salah arah yakni membesarkan anak-anak mereka di negara yang murni Islam," tutur Jones.

Dalam daftar penangkapan militan asing ISIS di Turki tersebut, Tajikistan, Irak dan Prancis berada di nomor tiga, empat dan lima. 
(ita/ita)

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TEMPO.COYogyakarta - Peneliti Pusat Studi Agama dan Demokrasi Yayasan Wakaf Paramadina, Ihsan Ali Fauzi menilai vonis Ahok 2 tahun penjara sebagai keberhasilan kebencian atas nama agama atau hate spin. Kondisi ini berbahaya untuk demokrasi yang sehat.

Dia memperkirakan hate spin akan terjadi pada pemilihan kepala daerah di tempat lain dan pemilihan Presiden RI 2019. Menurut dia, pilkada Jakarta menjadi contoh yang krusial bagaimana hate spin dijalankan oleh kalangan yang memanipulasi atau merekayasa. Tujuannya adalah memenangkan Pilkada. 

Baca: Aksi Dukung Ahok di Yogya Diganggu Massa, 6 Provokator Diciduk

"Sentimen berbasis agama sudah ada modalnya pada Pilpres 2014. Hate spin menggerogoti demokrasi yang sehat," kata dia di UGM seusai memberikan materi berjudul Hate Spin Kebencian Berbasis Agama dan Tantangan bagi Demokrasi di Fisipol UGM Yogyakarta, Jumat, 12 Mei 2017.

Menurut dia, demokrasi yang sehat menghargai orang bukan karena identitas agama ataupun etnisnya, tapi penghargaan terhadap warga negara Indonesia. Pejabat publik dipilih sebagai warga negara. Hate spin untuk pilkada DKI Jakarta, kata dia dijalankan oleh elit-elit tertentu yang punya kepentingan politik.

Ini terbukti dari hasil survei yang menyatakan 85 persen warga Jakarta tidak melihat video Ahok yang disebut menistakan agama. Elit-elit yang punya kepentingan politik memanfaatkan hoax.

Elit-elit itu melupakan masa depan Indonesia dan menggunakan segala cara untuk memenangkan pilkada. Pidato Ahok yang berujung pada kasus penistaan agama dipelintir. Kasus Ahok ini sangat krusial karena menyangkut kebencian minoritas.

Baca: Ahok Divonis 2 Tahun Penjara, Pengacara Duga Ada Muatan Politik

Vonis Ahok 2 tahun karena kasus penistaan agama, menurut Ihsan, adalah kemunduran demokrasi yang berujung memecah belah warga Indonesia. Hakim-hakim yang memutus kasus Ahok di pengadilan mendapat tekanan massa.

Ihsan punya solusi menyelesaikan hate spin. Ia berpendapat negara wajib menjalankan tanggung jawabnya mendidik warga negara Indonesia tentang kebhinekaan. Misalnya melalui surat edaran larangan ujaran kebencian. Kementerian Pendidikan juga harus memastikan nilai-nilai pluralisme sampai ke publik. Selain itu, publik juga perlu terus melawan hate spin.

Ia mengapresiasi aksi damai masyarakat dan simpati terhadap Ahok sebagai bentuk protes terhadap vonis itu. Aksi itu menggambarkan sebagian masyarakat punya kesadaran ada yang salah di pengadilan. Menurut dia, langkah Ahok mengajukan banding atas vonis tersebut adalah cara yang bagus dan menghargai proses hukum.

Baca: Vonis Ahok dan Pembubaran HTI , Pengamat Politik: Seolah Skor 1:1  

Peneliti Pusat Studi Keamanan dan Perdamaian UGM, Rizal Panggabean mengatakan pilkada DKI Jakarta dan penistaan agama yang menimpa Ahok menggambarkan Indonesia kehilangan demokrasi. Padahal, sesuai nilai-nilai dalam demokrasi, pemimpin dipilih dengan melihat kualitas atau mutu dan kebijakan-kebijakannya. 

Kunci dari demokasi adalah partisipasi, kesetaraan, dan cara-cara yang fair. "Bukan melalui cara curang memanfaatkan isu agama dan etnis seperti yang terjadi di pilkada Jakarta," kata Rizal.

Rizal pernah punya pengalaman sebagai saksi ahli untuk pasal penistaan agama di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Tapi, tuntutan publik untuk menghapus pasal peninstaan agama itu gagal karena hakim-hakim mendapat tekanan masyarakat. 

Untuk mengatasi persoalan seperti yang terjadi dalam vonis Ahok pasal itu mesti dimatikan dengan cara bekerja bersama polisi dan hakim. "Pasal-pasal di KUHP yang memecah belah mesti dimatikan dan dihindari. Jaksa gunakan kewenangan diskresi. Jangan gunakan pasal penodaan agama," kata dia.

SHINTA MAHARANI
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Sejarah Kebangkitan Nasional (1)

Kabar24.com, OXFORD -- Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla memberi kuliah umum mengenai kehidupan "Islam Jalan Tengah" atau Islam toleran Indonesia di Pusat Studi Kajian Agama Islam University of Oxford, Inggris, Kamis (18/5/2017) malam.

Namun, sesaat sebelum kuliah umum dimulai, seorang warga keturunan Indonesia di Inggris bernama Mariella datang membawa beberapa papan bertulisan "Boo to Jusuf Kalla", "Stop Prosecution to Christians", dan gambar Gubernur DKI Jakarta terpilih Anies Baswedan dengan tulisan "Pilihan Jusuf Kalla untuk Gubernur Jakarta".

Dia memprotes penghukuman Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) dalam perkara penistaan agama. Hakim menjatuhkan hukuman dua tahun penjara kepada Ahok karena menilai perkataannya mengenai Alquran Surat Al Maidah Ayat 51 di Kepulauan Seribu pada 27 September 2016, saat dia menjabat sebagai Gubernur DKI Jakarta, memenuhi unsur pidana penodaan agama.

"Saya ingin tinggal di Indonesia, tapi beberapa kelompok menyerukan jihad, jadi Pak Jusuf Kalla tolong katakan pada saya Islam moderat seperti apa yang ada di Indonesia saat ini? Saya sangat tidak nyaman melihat apa yang terjadi di Indonesia," kata Mariella.

Dalam kuliah umum tersebut, Wakil Presiden mengatakan bahwa Indonesia merupakan negara dengan penduduk Islam terbesar ketiga di dunia, namun Indonesia bukanlah negara Islam, melainkan negara demokrasi yang menjunjung tinggi nilai Pancasila.

"Dasar negara kami adalah Pancasila, yang menempatkan Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa sebagai sila pertama. Sekali pun Indonesia 88 persen penduduknya adalah Muslim, Indonesia bukanlah negara Islam," katanya di hadapan ratusan peserta kuliah umum.

Di bawah prinsip Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, ia menjelaskan, Indonesia mengedepankan toleransi dan perdamaian dalam keberagaman.

Kuliah umum Wakil Presiden dihadiri oleh para pelajar Indonesia dan pelajar asing yang tertarik mendalami ilmu agama Islam di Pusat Kajian Islam Oxford (Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies/OSIC).



Sumber : Antara
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TEMPO.CO, Semarang - Wali Kota Semarang Hendar Prihadi mengaku telah melaporkan penyebaran spanduk bertuliskan “Garudaku Kafir” yang terpasang di sejumlah titik di kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (Fisip) Universitas Diponegoro (Undip) Semarang. Ia berharap penyebar spanduk itu bisa ditangkap dan diketahui motifnya. (Baca: Akademisi Tangkal Ideologi Anti Pancasila di Lingkungan Kampus)

“Supaya kasus ini bisa dituntaskan dan penyebar bisa ditangkap,” kata Hendrar atau akrab dipanggil Hedy itu, Kamis 18 Mei 2017.

Selain melaporkan ke polisi, Pemkot Semarang segera membuat program jangka panjang meyakinkan pada semua warga tentang NKRI harga mati. “Seharusnya kita sadar bangsa kita saat berdirinya sudah memikirkan keanekaragaman,” kata Hendy menjelaskan. (Baca: Legislator Jawa Timur Usul Hidupkan Kembali Pendidikan Pancasila)

Program itu terus mensosialisasikan NKRI berdasar pancasila dengan melibatkan ormas, tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat sebagai duta NKRI di masyarakat. Program itu untuk antisipasi jika ada masyarakat yang mencoba bergeser akan diingatkan. Sebelumnya terdapat 5 selebaran, terdiri 4 poster dan 1 spanduk. Isinya memancing konflik anti-NKRI dan ditempel di mading kampus dan beberapa tempat, seperti kantin dan areal kampus FISIP Undip. Poster itu telah disita oleh kepolisian pada Selasa 16 Mei 2017.

Poster tersebut tertulis "Garudaku Kafir" menyerupai stempel tepat di tubuh gambar lambang negara garuda pancasila berbentuk siluet. Di sekeliling garuda pancasila itu terdapat gambar bercak mirip darah. Selain itu, di bagian bawah terdapat tulisan "Depan Gedung A Fisip Undip 20 Mei 2017 Pukul 15.30 WIB" tanpa menjelaskan keterangan acara dan penyelenggara .

Kepala Sub Bagian Humas, Polrestabes Semarang, Komisaris Suwarna, menyatakan belum mendapat laporan hasil penelusuran penyebaran poster dan spanduk provokatif dan anti NKRI itu. Menurut Suwarna, penyelidikan dilakukan oleh Kepolisian Sektor Tembalang yang membawahi lokasi tempat penyebaran poster dan spanduk. (Baca: Jokowi Tegaskan Akan Gebuk Kelompok yang Ingin Ganti Dasar Negara)



“Selain itu juga intel disebar, tapi belum ada laporan apakah sudah ditangkap pelakunya,” kata Suwarna.



Kepala UPT Humas Universitas Diponegoro, Nuswantoro Dwiwarno menyatakan Undip telah mencopot poster tersebut pada Selasa malam, juga ia memastikan keterangan poster yang akan mengagendakan kegiatan pada 20 Mei 2017 itu juga tak berizin dari kampus. "Bukan kegiatan resmi mahasiswa Fisip atau civitas akademika Undip," kata Nuswantoro.

Menurut dia, insiden penyebaran spanduk dan poster itu sudah dilaporkan ke Polisi, namun belum diketahui pelakuk pemasang dan penyebar spanduk dan poster itu. “Sampai saat ini belum diketahui siapa yang memasang dan belum diketahui itu kegiatan dari siapa. Kami serahkan masalah ini ke pihak aparat,” katanya. (Baca: HTI Bakal Dibubarkan, Istana: Ada Pembiaran Terlalu Lama)



EDI FAISOL

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TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Penyidik Direktorat Reserse Kriminal Khusus Kepolisian Daerah Metro Jaya akan memeriksa Alfian Tanjung, Kamis ini. Alfian Tanjung akan dimintai keterangan soal cuitannya yang diduga menuding sebagian politikus PDI Perjuangan adalah kader Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI).

“Ustadz Alfian Tanjung akan hadir dalam pemeriksaan,” kata Kepala bidang Hubungan Masyarajat Polda Metro Jaya Komisadis Besar Raden Prabowo Argo Yuwono saat dikonfirmasi, Kamis, 18 Mei 2017.



Baca: Tuduhan Komunis, Alfian Tanjung Mohon Maaf pada Nezar Patria

Sedangkan Alfian Tanjung mengaku tidak bisa memenuhi panggilan kepolisian, karena telah memiliki jadwal lain dan hendak pergi ke luar kota. "Saya sudah koordinasi dengan pihak polisi, saya bisanya kamis depan," kata Alfian. 

Alfian Tanjung dilaporkan karena cuitannya yang menuding sebagian anggota PDIP adalah kader PKI. Sebelunya, Alfian disomasi Kepala Staf Kepresidenan Teten Masduki yang dituduh komunis.

Tuduhan tersebut disampaikan dalam ceramah yang videonya viral di media sosial. Ketika itu, Alfian Tanjung ceramah di Masjid Jami Said, Tanah Abang, Jakarta Pusat, Sabtu, Oktober 2016.

“Mereka (PKI) sudah menguasai Istana, hampir sebulan ini tak ada lagi konsultan tentara,” kata Alfian. Rapat-rapat di istana negara, kata Alfian, dipimpin oleh orang yang namanya Teten Masduki, Urip Supriyanto, Budiman Sudjatmiko, Waluyo Jati, Nezar Patria, dan sederet kader-kader PKI.



Baca juga: Taufik Ismail: Tahun Ketiga Jokowi Mirip Kebangkitan PKI



“Yang mereka menjadikan istana tempat rapat rutin mereka tiap hari kerja di atas jam delapan malam ke atas. Keren ya, jadi istana negara sekarang jadi sarangnya PKI sejak bulan Mei 2016," kata Alfian dalam video yang viral di media sosial.

INGE KLARA SAFITRI
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Jakarta - PBNU mendukung langkah pemerintah membubarkan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Misi dari HTI dinilai Sekjen PBNU Helmy Faishal Zaini bertentangan dengan Pancasila.


"Kalau membaca berbagai macam statement aktivis HTI, jelas apa yang menjadi misi HTI itu bertentangan dengan Pancasila," kata Helmy di Kompleks Istana Kepresidenan, Jl Veteran, Jakarta Pusat, Selasa (16/5/2017).



Sebagai negara hukum, langkah pemerintah sudah tepat menurut Helmy. Dia menambahkan bahwa dakwah yang disampaikan HTI bisa meresahkan.



"Dengan pandangan yang menyebutkan bahwa konsep negara Pancasila adalah sistem yang mereka sebut pengkafiran, thagut, karena memutus mata rantai Khilafah Utsmani," ujar Helmy.



Selain itu ada juga ajaran yang menganggap orangtua atau kerabat sendiri kafir jika tak sejalan dengan pemikiran mereka. Paham seperti ini dinilai Helmy akan menimbulkan persoalan di kemudian hari.




"Mereka sebut ortu kita semuanya adalah kafir dan menurut saya, ini akan menimbulkan persoalan. Ini pasti akan menimbulkan keresahan, memecah belah umat," kata dia.



"Kalau gerakan mengkafirkan kelompok yang berbeda pendapat dengan mereka, kalau sudah begitu, sedikit lagi kan sudah tinggal menganggap halal darahnya bagi orang-orang yang tidak sepaham," sambung Helmy.



Penyebaran paham HTI menurutnya juga sulit terdeteksi. Tak jarang mereka memakai forum seperti pengajian di perkampungan sehingga tak tampak di permukaan.



"Menurut saya, apa yg telah dirumuskan oleh pendahulu kita, soal bangsa, soal negara ini, sudah final. Indonesia merupakan negara yang penduduknya plural," pungkas Helmy. 

(bag/elz)

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RMOL. Sekjen PDI Perjuangan, Hasto Kristiyanto, heran atas kekalahan Basuki Purnama-Djarot Saiful Hidayat (Ahok-Djarot) dalam semua hasil hitung cepat putaran dua Pilkada Jakarta.
Dalam acara Rosi Spesial Pilkada yang ditayangkan live oleh Kompas TV, Hasto mengklaim, kebijakan-kebijakan Ahok selama menjabat gubernur sudah sangat baik. Ia menyebut, antara lain, kebijakan Kartu Jakarta Pintar, Kartu Jakarta Sehat, dan macam-macam terobosan lain.

Kalau dilihat dalam seluruh proses politik, lanjut Hasto, data kepuasan masyarakat Jakarta terhadap kinerja Ahok-Djarot ada di angka 74 persen. Tetapi, hal sebaliknya tercermin dalam hasil akhir hitung cepat hari ini. 

Dia juga menyebut tingkat partisipasi pemilih di Jakarta pada putaran dua yang lebih rendah dari putaran pertama, yaitu dari 75 persen anjlok ke 65 persen.

Berangkat dari anomali tersebut, Hasto menyinggung soal ancaman terhadap kualitas demokrasi Indonesia 5-10 tahun ke depan. Dia mengkhawatirkan Anies-Sandi tidak akan mampu merealisasikan harapan yang tinggi dari warga Jakarta.

"Waktu akan melihat. Kita ingat, pada tahun 2004 kita semua terpesona pada sosok Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Tapi 10 tahun kemudian harapan itu belum terwujud," katanya.

Dia juga menyayangkan bahwa proses elektoral selama ini diiisi isu-isu politik yang kurang baik, misalnya sentimen Suku Agama Ras dan Antar Golongan (SARA). 

"Maka bagi kami ini proses pendewasaan demokrasi kita. Dan ini adalah pembelajaran yang sangat baik. Kepuasan (kepada Ahok) 74 persen tapi tidak tercermin dalam sebuah hasil," tegasnya. [ald]

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JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com - Direktur Riset SETARA Institute Ismail Hasani mengatakan, kasus dugaan penodaan agama oleh Gubernur non-aktif DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) merupakan bentuk politisasi identitas. Tujuannya yakni untuk menundukkan Ahok.
"Kasus ini jelas digunakan sebagai alat penundukan dalam bentuk politisasi identitas Pak Basuki yang multiple identity, kemudian dieksploitasi sehingga bisa ditundukan dan secara kebetulan kemudian ada kasus yang menjerat dirinya," ujar Ismail di Kantor SETARA Institute, Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta Selatan, Kamis (11/5/2017).
Akibat politisasi identitas tersebut, Ahok mengalami banyak tekanan. Salah satu dampak yang terlihat yakni kalahnya dia dan Djarot Saiful Hidayat pada Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017.
"Dampak elektoralnya kan sudah terlihat hasilnya bahwa Pak Basuki dikalahkan. Itu politisasi identitas jangka pendek dalam konteks Pilkada," kata dia.
Ismail mendorong praktik-praktik politisasi identitas dalam kontestasi politik segera dihentikan. Sebab, politisasi identitas merupakan bagian dari kejahatan demokrasi.
"Ke depan politisasi identitas juga masih terus potensial terjadi dalam kontestasi politik di republik ini. Kami dorong praktik-praktik politisasi identitas, harus disudahi," ucap Ismail.
Kasus yang melibatkan Ahok ini dinilai dapat menebarkan ancaman baru karena memberikan preseden yang buruk bagi demokrasi di Indonesia. Berkaca pada kasus Ahok, semua orang berpotensi mengalami hal yang sama.
"Karakter dari delik penodaan agama multitafsir, bias, dan rentan dipolitisasi untuk tujuan-tujuan politik karena dia digunakan sebagai alat penundukan," kata Ismail.
Majelis hakim Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Utara sebelumnya memvonis Ahok dua tahun penjara karena dinilai terbukti melakukan penodaan agama dalam sidang putusan pada Selasa (9/5/2017).
Ahok kini ditahan di Mako Brimob, Kelapa Dua, Depok. Tim pengacara Ahok telah resmi mengajukan banding ke Pengadilan Tinggi DKI Jakarta. Mereka juga mengajukan penangguhan penahanan.

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JAKARTA, NETRALNEWS.COM - The European Union Delegation to Indonesia and Brunei Darussalam issues the following statement in agreement with the EU Heads of Mission in Indonesia:
"The European Union takes note of the decision of the North Jakarta District Court on the case involving Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama delivered on 9 May.
The European Union has always praised the leadership of Indonesia as the world largest Muslim majority country, a strong democracy and a country with a proud tradition of tolerance and pluralism. We call on the Indonesian government, its institutions and its people to continue this long standing tradition of tolerance and pluralism.
Indonesia and the European Union have agreed to promote and protect the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights such as the freedom of thought, conscience and religion and freedom of expression.
The European Union recalls that those freedoms are interdependent, interrelated and mutually reinforcing rights, protecting all persons and protecting also the right to express opinions on any or all religions and beliefs in accordance with the international human rights law.
The European Union has consistently stated that laws that criminalize blasphemy when applied in a discriminatory manner can have a serious inhibiting effect on freedom of expression and on freedom of religion or belief." (*)

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TEMPO.COJakarta - Setelah pembacaan vonis hukuman penjara bagi terpidana penodaan agama, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama atau Ahok, gelombang suara penghapusan Pasal 156a Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana (KUHP) tentang penodaan agama menguat. 

Namun, Wakil Ketua Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) Hidayat Nur Wahid tidak sepakat dengan wacana tersebut. Hidayat menyatakan dirinya bersama Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) menolak terhadap penghapusan pasal penistaan agama tersebut.
Baca : Aksi Dukung Ahok di Yogyakarta Diserang, Polisi Lepaskan Tembakan

"Kami dari PKS akan berdiri di garda terdepan menolak penghapusan pasal tersebut," ujar Hidayat di Masjid Al-Ittihad, Tebet, Jakarta, Kamis, 11 Mei 2017.

Menurut Hidayat, secara logika, dengan masih diberlakukannya pasal tersebut masih banyak orang ataupun golongan yang masih tidak menghormati agama, baik secara langsung dan tidak langsung. 
Lihat pula : Ahok Minta Djarot Tinggal di Rumah Dinas Gubernur DKI

Dengan adanya penghapusan undang-undang tersebut dinilai Hidayat justru menimbulkan kekhawatiran munculnya sikap intoleransi terhadap umat beragama.

Adapun alasan lainnya, Hidayat Nur Wahid menuturkan Indonesia memiliki sejarah panjang terhadap pemberontak Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI). Partai tersebut dinilai sebagai golongan anti agama dan anti Tuhan. Menurut Hidayat, penghapusan pasal tersebut sama saja mendukung kemunculan PKI.

LARISSA HUDA
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TEMPO.COJakarta - Setara Institute mengungkapkan bahwa ada 97 kasus penistaan agama terjadi di Indonesia sejak 1965 hingga 2017. Sebagian besar terjadi karena perbedaan pemahaman soal agama. 


"Ditinjau dari perspektif konteks yang melingkupinya, kasus penodaan agama akibat polemik pemahaman keagamaan mendapatkan jumlah tertinggi, " ujar peneliti Setara Institute, Halili, saat memaparkan hasil penelitiannya, Kamis, 11 Mei 2017.

Halili menyampaikan, setidaknya ada 22 kasus penistaan agama yang terjadi akibat polemik pemahaman keagamaan. Dan kebanyakan, polemik tersebut terjadi ketika seseorang mencoba mencari pemahaman lain atas agama yang dianut. 

Dengan kata lain, kata Halili, 22 kasus itu terjadi karena seseorang atau pihak tertentu mencoba menutupi multi-interpretasi atas ajaran agama. Ketika seseorang mencoba memahami lebih lanjut suatu ajaran agama dengan mencari interpretasi lain, orang itu malah dianggap menistakan agama dan kemudian diperkarakan.

"Hukum penistaan agama malah dijadikan alat untuk memberangus perbedaan pandangan soal ajaran agama," ujar Halili. 

Halili melanjutkan kasus penistaan agama terbanyak kedua dan ketiga pun tak jauh dari unsur menghalangi penafsiran berbeda. Ia berkata, ada 19 kasus penistaan agama akibat polemik kebebasan berpendapat serta 10 kasus karena polemik pembentukan aliran keagamaan baru. 

"Jadi, kebanyakan kasus penistaan agama dimulai dari memaksa orang-orang tunduk pada satu pandangan saja, " ujarnya.

Di Indonesia, unsur penistaan agama diatur dalam UU No. 1/PNPS/1965 serta Pasal 156a KUHP. Pasal 156a KUHP, misalnya, menyatakan barang siapa di muka umum menyatakan ucapan permusuhan, kebencian, atau penghinaan terhadap suatu atau beberapa golongan rakyat Indonesia, diancam dengan pidana. Pidananya adalah penjara paling lama empat tahun. 

Pasal tersebut, oleh kebanyakan orang, dianggap pasal karet karena tidak memberi batas yang jelas soal mana tindakan yang benar-benar menistakan agama dan mana yang tidak. Walhasil, ketika seseorang atau suatu pihak memiliki pemahaman agama yang berbeda dari pemahaman umum, berpotensi dianggap menista.

ISTMAN MP
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Minggu, 06 Mei 2018

keluArgA

sejarah perayaan HUT

Holman Bible Dictionary

Family

The basic household unit which provides a person's central relationships, nurture, and support. The basic composition of a family changes from the Old Testament to the New Testament. Therefore, the search for the traditional biblical family is difficult. The search is important, however, to understand the essential family structures, relationships, commitments, and functions. Jesus Christ, along with the New Testament writers, used family images to describe the nature of faith and the church. Understanding the biblical definition of family can guide in living out faith in the family more effectively.
The biblical portrayal of family represents the basic structures and conditions of the Near East of biblical times, conditions which still prevail over much of the East today. Throughout biblical times the structures and relationships changed. Likewise, the commitments and functions changed.

Old Testament The span of the Old Testament allowed for much transition in the family. Their understanding of the nature of God as well as of their culture influenced much of the Hebrew family life.

Structure The Old Testament family represents a larger body that the English word suggests. There are two Hebrew words which are used to refer to the family. One word (mishpachah ) was used to describe the larger partriarchal clan which included those persons related by blood, marriage, slaveship, and even animals (as found in the fourth commandment, Exodus 20:10 ). Occasionally even strangers or sojourners could be included in the larger household.

The second word (bayith ) was used to suggest the place of residence or household. It had multiple meanings. It represented a clan of descendents (Genesis 18:19 ), or property and persons of a particular place or residence on which and on whom one depended (Job 8:15 ).

Central to this household was the oldest male relative who was viewed as the “father,” master, and ultimate authority, thus signifying the family as the father's house. All who belonged to him and claimed their allegiance to him were considered part of the household and were similar in beliefs and values. In Genesis 7:1 Noah and his household were directed to enter the ark. Beyond the household was the larger clan, the tribe, and the nation which were descendants of Abraham, the origin of the people of Israel.

Relationships With the oldest male as center of the household, he was expected to marry and often have more than one wife (Genesis 38:8-10 ; Deuteronomy 25:5-10 ). Polygamy was common, though monogamy was widely practiced in Israel. Abraham, Jacob, and David were all husbands of more than one wife, and they also had concubines which were recognized as a lower status than a wife. See Genesis 46:26 ). The creation story (Genesis 1-2 ) modeled the monogamous relationship of one male and one female, as does much of the Bible.

The authority of the father was quite significant, even though he may actually have been the grandfather or great-grandfather. His responsibilities included begatting, instructing, disciplining, and nurturing. Abraham had the power to sacrifice his son (Genesis 22:1 ). The father could even destroy family members if they enticed him from his loyalty to God (Deuteronomy 13:6-10 ). However, the father was also to be loving, and the divine mercy of the New Testament was based on the compassionate Old Testament father (Psalm 103:1 ).

In the marriage, the male had power over the female or females (Genesis 3:16 ). They were often considered property of the male. He could have relationships with other women as long as he did not destroy property rights. Therefore, divorce was a male option only. He could divorce for almost any reason. As an example, he might “lose favor” (Deuteronomy 24:1 ). He simply had to write a note and place her out. Both persons were free to marry again.

The Hebrew “mother” often saw her primary function as having children. The account of creation, however, described the female as being created equal with the male. After the Fall, women were relegated to the child-bearing role. The mother exercised significant authority over family life and often gave directions. Her primary role was to provide love and care for the members. The prophet Isaiah used the image of the mother to describe the compassion of God (Isaiah 66:13 ). The mother was the object of love and honor and is praised in Proverbs 31:1 for her good works.

Children were very important to the family and were considered proof of God's love (Psalm 127:3-5 ). They were under absolute authority and control of the father. Sons were especially important and were considered second to the father in significance. Descent was through the male which also determined the perpetuation of the family name and the personality. Therefore, sons were trained in the traditions of the community and in the meaning of wisdom (Proverbs 3:12 ; Proverbs 13:24 ; Proverbs 19:18 ). Daughters were often considered of secondary importance. The fathers were responsible for arranging marriages for the sons (Genesis 24:4 ) and writing contracts for the daughters.

Commitment The Old Testament family was close-knit, and family loyalty was very strong. The family was held together around the central dominant figure of the father. Family honor and respect was high. The covenant was central to understanding Old Testament family relationships as well as relationships with God. A covenant had both an interior bonding and an exterior binding quality. Steadfast love (heed) was the basis of the covenant which created a sense of loyalty, justice, and high regard. Covenants were personal and caring and were greater than contracts for directing the family. Hebrew marriages were covenant marriages (Malachi 2:14 ). Hosea especially revealed the importance of steadfast love (Hosea 2:19-20 ).

For the Hebrew family steadfast love was the heart of loyalty and corporate solidarity. Marriages were based on faithfulness and vows of covenant love. This covenant included all family relationships and has helped to maintain the identity of the Hebrew family even until today.

Functions The family of the Old Testament had the purposes of reproduction, instruction, care giving, maintaining traditions, and conveying wisdom. The primary function, however, was the teaching of religion, thus providing guidelines and instruction which were central to Hebrew family well-being. They carefully guarded the family from outside influences. When the family moved from a rural to an urbanized culture, their traditions and values were threatened. Consequently, ancient customs were reaffirmed, and faith was used to undergird them.

New Testament The New Testament introduced major changes in understanding the family, and it provided new and creative ways to appreciate the nature of family and the nature of faith.

Structure As in the Old Testament the Greek words used to describe family did not refer exclusively to our understanding of the nuclear family. One word (patria ) was used to identify lineage and descent from a specific ancestor (Luke 2:4 ; Acts 3:25 ; Ephesians 3:15 ). Another term (oikos ) meant a house or a building but could also refer to a lineage or clan much like the Old Testament word for household (1 Corinthians 1:16 ). A similar term (oikia ) also referred to a building (Matthew 7:24 ) but was used to describe a household including husband, wife, children, and others.

The New Testament household or family, especially the Christian family, probably had one husband and one wife, children, relatives, slaves, servants, and others who lived there for various reasons. The household codes of the New Testament outlined duties for the members including husband/wife, father/child, and master/slave (Ephesians 5:21-6:4 ; Colossians 3:18-4:1 ).

The importance of lineage in the New Testament shifted from a focus on the lineage from an ancestor to lineage from God. In Matthew, Jesus said, “call no man your father upon the earth: for one is your Father, which is in heaven” (Matthew 23:9 ). The focus of family structure and family lineage changed from the “earthly father” and was replaced by a lineage from “God the Father,” accessible to anyone through Jesus Christ. Therefore, all who believed on Jesus became part of a broader family of God.

Relationships Jesus used the relationships of His own family as well as natural families to define the nature of God's relationships with His people (Matthew 7:9-10 ; Matthew 11:16-17 ; Matthew 21:28-32 ; Luke 11:7 ; Luke 14:11-32 ).

Jesus even gave greater importance to relationships within the family of God than to the natural family. He said, “whosoever shall do the will of my Father which is in heaven, the same is my brother, and sister, and mother” (Matthew 12:50 ). Following Jesus often meant leaving one's family (Mark 1:16-20 ; Luke 9:59-60 ).

Jesus provided a new understanding of family—the family of God and the family of faith. According to Jesus, neither the nuclear family nor the household was the primary unit of God's creation. Rather, one's faith commitment and faith family were central to God's purpose.

The primary relational dynamic Jesus and the New Testament taught was love (agape ). This New Testament love expanded the Old Testament understanding of steadfast love (hesed ) by developing an unconditional, accepting love known initially in the love of God (John 3:16 ; 1 Corinthians 13:1 ). This love permeated and transformed the relationships of families and all persons.

Marriage in the New Testament was founded on a love bond experienced by both male and female in contrast to the arranged marriage of the Old Testament. Women were not to be considered property by men but rather were to be loved and nurtured (Ephesians 5:25 ).

The roles of men and women were transformed by the love of Christ. The father was no longer the central figure of the family but was replaced by God the Father and faith in Jesus Christ. The authority of the male became like the sacrificial, servant authority of Jesus Christ (Ephesians 5:25-33 ).

The role and status of a woman were not linked intrinsically to her function as a wife and mother. Her identity and personhood were discovered in her faith commitment to Jesus Christ and in doing the will of the Father. Therefore, women did not have to be married or have children to be important in the family of God (Galatians 3:28 ).

The marriage relationship was important in the New Testament. There was to be marriage between one man and one woman (Mark 10:6-8 ; Ephesians 5:31 ). The relationship was to be permanent. Jesus addressed the issue of divorce because it was so commonly and easily exercised (for the man). Jesus believed that the love bond made the marriage vows sacred, and they were not to be broken (Mark 10:11-12 ; Luke 16:18 ). Jesus affirmed the value of marriage but did not view it as more important than the family of God.

The nature of the Christian marriage relationship, guided by Christlike love, called for both man and woman to give themselves voluntarily and sacrificially to each other (Ephesians 5:21 ). This mutual love commitment was a radical departure from the Old Testament marriage model. The New Testament marriage union was based on an equal and mutual sharing guided by love (1 Corinthians 7:4 ).

Children were given a place of high honor by Jesus (Mark 10:13-16 ). Having a child created an opportunity for parents to become co-creators with God in helping earthly children to become children of God (Romans 9:8 ). Therefore, the focus of the parent/child relationship was on love, honor, and respect as well as discipline and instruction (Ephesians 6:1-4 ).

Commitment The Old Testament concept of covenant became the foundation for the new covenant in Jesus Christ. Steadfast love was enhanced by Christlike love. Covenants and commitments, in family relationships and faith relationships, were deepened by the new covenant of love which was infused with grace and forgiveness. All relationships were guided by grace and the sacrificial love of Jesus Christ (1 John 3:16 ). Christian family relationships called for a commitment which was based on openness and compassion, forgiveness and understanding.

This image of family commitment was so significant that it was used by the early church to describe the relationship of Christ and the church (Ephesians 5:1 ). Since the early churches were house churches, family relationships were very important because of the pagan forces which threatened them. All believers were members of the household of God (Ephesians 2:19 ), which was the household of faith (Galatians 6:10 ).

Function The function of the family in the New Testament was secondary to the primary purpose of the family of God. Obedience to Christ and doing God's will was the calling for everyone. This faith commitment, then, shaped the purpose and function of the family. The family was guided by Christlike love, and the purpose of the family was to give witness to the love of God and bring people to a saving relationship with God through Jesus Christ, thus creating the larger family of God. See Father ; Mother ; Marriage ; Sex; Woman ; Children; Divorce .

J. Michael Hester


1911 Encyclopedia Britannica

Family

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A word of which the etymology but partially illustrates the meaning. The Roman familia, derived from the Oscan famel (servus), originally signified the servile property, the thralls, of a master. Next, the term denoted other domestic property, in things as well as in persons. Thus, in the fifth of the laws of the Twelve Tables, the rules are laid down: SI
[[Intestato
Moritur
Cui
Suus
Heres
Nec '
Sit
Adgnatus
Proximus
Familiam
Habeto]], and SI
[[Agnatus
Nec
Escit
Gentilis
Familiam
Nancitor]]; that is, if a man die intestate, leaving no natural heir who had been under his potestas, the nearest agnate, or relative tracing his connexion with the deceased exclusively through males, is to inherit the familia, or family fortune of every sort. Failing an agnate, a member of the gens of the dead man is to inherit. In a third sense, familia was applied to all the persons who could prove themselves to be descended from the same ancestor, and thus the word almost corresponded to our own use of it in the widest meaning, as when we say that a person is " of a good family " (Ulpian, Dig. 50, 16, 195 fin.). 1. Leaving for awhile the Roman terms, to which it will be necessary to return, we may provisionally define Family, in the modern sense, as the small community formed by the union of one man with one woman, and by the increase of children born to them. These in modern times, and in most European countries, constitute the household, and it has been almost universally supposed that little natural associations of this sort are the germ-cell of early society. The Bible presents the growth of the Jewish nation from the one household of Abraham. His patriarchal family differed from the modern family in being polygamous, but, as female chastity was one of the conditions of the patriarchal family, and as descent through males was therefore recognized as certain, the plurality of wives makes no real difference to the argument. In the same way the earliest formal records of Indian, Greek and Roman society present the family as firmly established, and generally regarded as the most primitive of human associations. Thus, Aristotle derives the first household ( oiKia 7rpc'ern ) from the combination of man's possession of property - in the slave or in domesticated animals - with man's relation to woman, and he quotes Hesiod: oiKov b ay 7rpcbrusTa -yvvaiK6. TE soi v T' apoT7lpa (Politics, i. 2.5). The village, again, with him is a colony or offshoot of the household, and monarchical government in states is derived from the monarchy of the eldest male member of the family. Now, though certain ancient terms, introduced by Aristotle in the chapters to which we refer, might have led him to imagine a very different origin of society, his theory is, on the face of it, natural and plausible, and it has been almost universally accepted. The beginning of society, it has been said a thousand times, is the family, a natural association of kindred by blood, composed of father, mother and their descendants. In this family, the father is absolute master of his wife, his children and the goods of the little community; at his death his eldest son succeeds him; and in course of time this association of kindred, by natural increase and by adoption, develops into the clan, gens, or 14vos. As generations multiply, the more distant relations split off into other clans, and these clans, which have not lost the sense of primitive kinship, unite once more into tribes. The tribes again, as civilization advances, acknowledge themselves to be subjects of a king, in whose veins the blood of the original family runs purest. This, or something like this, is the common theory of the growth of society.
2. It was between 1866 and 1880 that the common opinion began to be seriously opposed. John Ferguson McLennan, in his Primitive Marriage and his essays on The Worship of Plants and Animals (see his Studies in Ancient History, crif?clsm second series), drew attention to the wide prevalence of the custom of inheriting the kinship name through mothers, not fathers; and to the law of " Exogamy " (q.v.). The former usage he attributed to archaic uncertainty as to fatherhood; the natural result of absolute sexual promiscuity, or of Polyandry. Either practice is inconsistent, prima facie, with the primitive existence of the Family, whether polygamous or monogamous, whether patriarchal or modern. The custom of Exogamy, again, - here taken to mean the unwritten law which makes it incest, and a capital offence, to marry within the real or supposed kin denoted by the common name of the kinship, - pointed to an archaic condition of family affairs all unlike our Table of prohibited degrees. This law of Exogamy was found, among many savage races, associated with Totems, that is plants, animals and other natural objects which give names to the various kinships, and are themselves, in various degrees, reverenced by members of the kinships. (See Totem And ToTEMISM.) Traces of such kinships, and of Totemism, also of alleged promiscuity in ancient times, were detected by McLennan in the legends, folk-lore and institutions of Greece, Rome and India. Later,. Prof. Robertson Smith found similar survivals, or possible survivals, among the Semitic races ( Kinship in Early Arabia)..Others have followed the same trail among the Celts (S. Reinach,, Cultes, mythes et religions, 1904).
If arguments founded on these alleged survivals be valid,. it may be that the most civilized races have passed through the stages of Exogamy, Totemism and reckoning descent in the female line. McLennan explained Exogamy as a result of scarcity of women, due to female infanticide. Women being scarce, the men of a group would steal them from other groups, and it would become shameful, and finally a deadly sin, for a man to marry within his own group-name, or name of kinship, say Wolf or Raven. Meanwhile, owing to scarcity of women, one woman would be the mate of many husbands (polyandry) hence, paternity being undetermined, descent would be reckoned through mothers.
Such are the outlines of McLennan's theory, which, as a whole, has been attacked by many writers, and is now, perhaps, accepted by none. McLennan's was the most brilliant pioneer work; but his supply of facts was relatively P ? PP Y scanty, and his friend Charles Darwin stated objections which to many seem final, as regards the past existence of a stage of sexual promiscuity. C. N. Starcke (The Primitive Family, 1889), Edward Alexander Westermarck ( History of Human. Marriage, 1891), Ernest Crawley ( The Mystic Rose ), Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Lord Avebury and many others,. have criticized McLennan, who, however, in coining the term Exogamy, and drawing scientific attention to Totemism, and reckoning of kin through mothers, founded the study of early society. Here it must be observed that " Matriarchate " (q.v.) is a misleading term, as is " Gynaecocracy," for the custom of deducing descent on the spindle side. Women among totemistic and exogamous savages are in a degraded position, nor does the deriving and inheriting of the kinship name, or anything else, on the spindle side, imply any ignorance of paternal relations; even where, as among Central Australian tribes, the facts of reproduction are said to be unknown.
3. Simultaneous with McLennan's researches and speculations were the works of Lewis H. Morgan. He was the discoverer of a custom very important in its bearing on the history of society. In about two-thirds of the globe, persons MorgLewis in addressing a kinsman do not discriminate between grades of relationship. All these grades are merged in large categories. Thus, in what Morgan calls the " Malayan system," " allconsanguinei, near or far, fall within one of these relationships - grandparent, parent, brother, sister, child and grandchild." No other blood-relationships are recognized ( Ancient Society). This at once reminds us of the Platonic Republic. " We devised means that no one should ever be able to know his. own child, but that all should imagine themselves to be of one family, and should regard as brothers and sisters those who were within a certain limit of age; and those who were of an elder generation they were to regard as parents and grandparents, and those who were of a younger generation as children and grandchildren " ( Timaeus,18, Jowett's translation, first edition, vol. ii., 1871). This system prevails in the Polynesian groups and in New Zealand. Next comes what Morgan chooses to call the Turanian system. " It was universal among the North American aborigines," whom he styles Ganowanians. " Traces. of it have been found in parts of Africa " (Ancient Society ), and " it still prevails in South India among the Hindus, who speak the Dravidian language," and also in North India, among other Hindus. The system, Morgan says, " is simply stupendous." It is not exactly the same among all his miscellaneous " Turanians," but, on the whole, assumes the following shapes. Suppose the speaker to be a male, he will style his nephew and niece in the male line, his brother's children, " son " and " daughter," and his grand-nephews and grand-nieces in the male line, " grandson " and " granddaughter." Here the Turanian and the Malayan systems agree. But change the sex; let the male speaker address his nephews and nieces in the female line, - the children of his sister, - he salutes them as " nephew" and " niece," and they hail him as " uncle." Ndw, in the Malay system, nephews and nieces on both sides, brother's children or sisters, are alike named "children" of the uncle. If the speaker be a female, using the Turanian style, these terms are reversed. Her sister's sons and daughters are saluted by her as " son " and " daughter," her brother's children she calls " nephew " and " niece." Yet the children of the persons thus styled " nephew " and " niece " are not recognized in conversation as " grand-nephew " and " grand-niece," but as " grandson " and "granddaughter." It is impossible here to do more than indicate these features of the classificatory nomenclature, from which the others may be inferred. The reader is referred for particulars to Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Race. The existence of the classificatory system is not an entirely novel discovery. Nicolaus Damascenus, one of the inquirers into early society, who lived in the first century of our era, noticed this mode of address among the Galactophagi. Lafitau found it among the Iroquois. To Morgan's perception of the importance of the facts, and to his energetic collection of reports, we owe our knowledge of the wide prevalence of the system.
' From an examination of the degrees of kindred which seem to be indicated by the " Malayan " and " Turanian " modes of address, he has worked out a theory of the evolution of the modern family. A brief comparison of this with other modern theories will close our account of the family. The main points of the theory are shortly stated in Systems of Consanguinity, &c., and in Ancient Society. From the latter work we quote the following description of the five different and successive forms of the family: " I. The Consanguine Family. - It was founded upon the intermarriage of brothers and sisters, own and collateral, in a group.

1 " II. The Punaluan Family


2 " III. The Syndyasmian or Pairing Family


3 " IV. The Patriarchal Family


4 " V. The Monogamian Family


5 Authorities


" II. The Punaluan Family


It was founded upon the intermarriage of several sisters, own and collateral, with each others' husbands, in a group - the joint husbands not being necessarily kinsmen of each other; also, on the intermarriage of several brothers, own and collateral, with each others' wives in a group - these wives not being necessarily of kin to each other, although often the case in both instances (sic). In each case the group of men were conjointly married to the group of women.

" III. The Syndyasmian or Pairing Family


It was founded upon marriage between single pairs, but without an exclusive cohabitation. The marriage continued during the pleasure of the parties.

" IV. The Patriarchal Family


It was founded upon the marriage of one man with several wives, followed in general by the seclusion of the wives.

" V. The Monogamian Family


It was founded upon marriage between single pairs with an exclusive cohabitation.
" Three of these forms, namely, the first, second, and fifth, were radical, because they were sufficiently general and influential to create three distinct systems of consanguinity, all of which still exist in living forms. Conversely, these systems are sufficient of themselves to prove the antecedent existence of the forms of the family and of marriage with which they severally stand connected." Morgan makes the systems of nomenclature proofs of the existence of the Consanguine and Punaluan families. Unhappily, there is no other proof, and the same systems have been explained on a very different principle (McLennan, Studies in Ancient History). Looking at facts, we find the Consanguine family nowhere, and cannot easily imagine how early groups abstained from infringing on each other, and created a systematic marriage of brothers and sisters. St Augustine, however ( De civ. Dei, xv. 16), and Archinus in his Thessalica (Odyssey, xi. 7, scholia B, Q) agree more or less with Morgan. Next, how did the Consanguine family change into the Punaluan ? Morgan says ( Ancient Society ) brothers ceased to marry their sisters, because " the evils of it could not for ever escape human observation." Thus the Punaluan family was hit upon, and " created a distinct system of consanguinity " (Ancient Society ), the Turanian.
Again, " marriages in Punaluan groups explain the relationships in the system." But Morgan provides himself with another explanation, " the Turanian system owes its origin to marriage in the group and to the gentile organization." He calls exogamy " the gentile organization," though, in point of fact, the only gentes we know, the Roman gentes, show scarcely a trace of exogamy. Again, " the change of relationships which resulted from substituting Punaluan in the place of Consanguine marriage turns the Malayan into the Turanian system." On the same page Morgan attributes the change to the " gentile organization," and, still on the same page, uses both factors in his working out of the problem. Now, if the Punaluan marriage is a sufficient explanation, we do not need the " gentile organization." Both, in Morgan's opinion, were efforts of conscious moral reform. In Systems of Consanguinity the gentile organization (there called tribal), that is, exogamy, is said to have been " designed to work out a reformation in the intermarriage of brothers and sisters." But the Punaluan marriage had done that, otherwise it would not have produced (as Morgan says it did) the change from the Malayan to the Turanian system, the difference in the two systems, as exemplified in Seneca and Tamil, being " in the relationships which depended on the intermarriage or nonintermarriage of brothers and sisters" ( Ancient Society). Yet the Punaluan family, though itself a reform in morals and in " breeding," "did not furnish adequate motives to reform the Malay system," which, as we have seen, it did reform. The Punaluan family, it is suspected, " frequently involved own brothers and sisters "; had it not been so, there would have been no need of a fresh moral reformation, - " the gentile organization." Yet even in the Punaluan family ( Ancient Society) " brothers ceased to marry their own sisters." What, then, did the " gentile organization " do for men ? As they had already ceased to marry their own sisters, and as, under the gentile organization, they were still able to marry their half-sisters, the reformatory "ingenuity" of the inventors of the organizations was at once superfluous and useless. It is impossible to understand the Punaluan system. Its existence is inferred from a system of nomenclature which it does (and does not) produce; it admits (and excludes) own brothers and sisters. Morgan has intended, apparently, to represent the Punaluan marriage as a long transition to the definite custom of exogamy, but it will be seen that his language is not very clear nor his positions assured. He does not adduce sufficient proof that the Punaluan family ever existed as an institution, even in Hawaii. There is, if possible, a greater absence of historical testimony to the existence of the Consanguine family. It is difficult to believe that exogamy was a conscious moral and social reformation, because, ex hypothesi, the savages had no moral data, nothing to cause disgust at relations which seem revolting to us. It is as improbable that they discovered the supposed physical evils of breeding in and in. That discovery could only have been made after a long experience, and in the Consanguine family that experience was impossible. Thus, setting moral reform aside as inconceivable, we cannot understand how the Consanguine families ever broke up. Morgan's ingenious speculations as to a transitional step towards the gens (as he calls what we style the totem-kindred), supposed to be found in the " classes " and marriage laws of the Kamilaroi, are vitiated by the weakness and contradictory nature of the evidence (see Pritchard; J. D. Lang's Queensland, Appendix; Proceedings of American Academy of Arts, &c., vol. viii. 412; Nature,October 29, 1874). Further, though Morgan calls the Australian "gentile organization " " incipient," he admits ( Ancient Society ) that the Narrinyeri have totem groups, in which " the children are of the clan of the father." Far from being " incipient," the gens of the Narrinyeri is on the footing of the ghotra of Hindu custom. Lastly, though Morgan frequently declares that the Polynesians have not the gens (for he thinks them not sufficiently advanced), W. W. Gill (Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876) has shown that unmistakable traces of the totem survive in Polynesian mythology.
4. Morgan's theory was opposed by McLennan (Studies in Ancient History, 1876), who maintained that the names for relationships, in the " classificatory system," were merely terms of address, as among ourselves when a preacher calls any adult male " brother," when an old woman is addressed as mother," when an elder man calls a junior " my son." He also showed that his own system accounted for the terms. The controversy is still alive; one set of writers regarding the savage terms of relationship as indicating a state of things in which human beings dwelt in a " horde," with promiscuous intercourse; another set holding that the terms do not indicate consanguineous kinship, but degrees of age, status, and reciprocal obligations in a local tribe, and therefore that they do not yield any presumption that there was a past of promiscuity or of what is called " group marriage." On Morgan's side (not of course accepting all his details) are L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, and Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen. Against him are Starcke, Westermarck, A. Lang, Dr Durkheim, apparently, Crawley and many others.
5. A second presumption in favour of original promiscuity has been drawn by the eminent Australian students, Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, and by A. W. Howitt, from the customs of some Australian aborigines. In each tribe, owing to customary laws which are to be catty. examined later, only men and women of a given status are intermarriageable ( nu pa, noa, unawa ) with each other. Though child-betrothals are usual, and though the woman is specialized to one man, who protects and nourishes her and all her children, and though their union is immediately preceded by an extended jus primae noctis (such as Herodotus describes among the Nasamones), yet, among certain tribes, the following custom prevails. At great meetings the tribal leaders assign a woman as paramour (with what amount of permanence remains obscure) to a man ( pirrauru); one woman may have several pirrauru men, one man several pirrauruwomen, in addition to their regularly betrothed ( tippa malku ) wives and husbands. The husband occasionally shows fight, and bitter jealousies prevail, but, at the great ceremonial meetings, complaisance is enforced under penalty of strangling. Thenceforth, if the husband permits, the male pirrauru has matrimonial rights over the other man's tippa malku wife when they meet. A symbolic ceremony of union precedes the junction of the pirrauru people. This institution, as far as reported, is peculiar to a group of tribes near Lake Eyre, the Dieri, Urabunna, and their congeners, - or perhaps to all who have the same "phratry " names as the Dieri and Urabunna ( Kiraru and Mattera, in various dialectic forms).
Elsewhere the pirrauru custom is not known: but almost everywhere there are licentious festivals, in which all marriage rules except those which forbid incest (in our sense of the word, namely between the closest relations) are thrown to the winds. Also a native travelling among alien tribes is lent women of the status into which he may legally marry.
Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, and A. W. Howitt, regard pirrauru as " group marriage " and as a proof that, at one time, all intermarriageable people were actually husbands and wives, while the other examples of licence are also marriage in a later stage of decay, of promiscuity, and " group marriage." To this it is replied that " group marriage " is a misnomer; that if pirrauru be in a sense marriage it is status, not groupmarriage. Again, it is urged, pirrauru is a modification of tippa malku, which comes first; a woman is " specialized " to a man before she can be made pirrauru to another, and her tippa malku husband continues to support her, and to recognize her children as his own, after she has become pirrauru to another man or other men. Without the foregoing tippa malku union, the pirrauru unions are not conceivable; they are mere legalized paramourships, modifying the tippa malku marriage (like the Italian cicisbeism), procuring a protector for a woman in her husband's absence, and supplying legal loves for bachelors. The custom is peculiar to a given set of kindred tribes. The festivals are the legalized, restricted and more or less permanent modification of the casual orgies of feasts of licence, or Saturnalia, which have their analogies among many people, ancient and modern. Pirrauru is no more a survival of and a proof of primitive promiscuity, than is the legalized incest of ancient Egypt or ancient Peru. If these views be correct the argument for primitive promiscuity derived from pirrauru falls to the ground.
6. The questions at issue obviously are, was mankind originally promiscuous, with no objections to marriage between persons of the nearest kin; and was the first step in advance the prohibition of marriage (or of amatory intercourse) between brothers and sisters; or did mankind originally live in very small groups, under a jealous sire, who imposed restrictions on intercourse between the young males, his sons, and all the females of the " hearth-circle," who constituted his harem ? The problem has been studied, first, in the institutions of savages, notably of the most backward savages, the black natives of Australia; and next, in the light of the habits of the higher mammalia.
As regards Australian matrimonial institutions, it has been known since the date of the Journals of two Expeditions of Discovery, by Sir George Grey (1837-1839), that they are very complex and peculiar, in points strongly resembling the customary laws of the more backward Red Indian tribes of North America. Information came in, while McLennan was working, from G. Taplin ( The Narrinyeri, 1874), from A. W. Howitt and L. Fison, and many other inquirers (in Brough Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria, 1878), from Howitt and Fison again (in Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 1880), and many essays by these authors, and finally, in Native Tribes of Central Australia (1899) and Northern Tribes of Central Australia (1904), by Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen; and in Howitt's Native Tribes of South-East Australia (1904), with R. Roth's North-West Central Queensland Aborigines (1897). All of these are works of very high merit. Knowledge is now much more wide, minute and securely based than it was when McLennan's Studies in Ancient History, second series, was posthumously published (1896). We know with certainty that in Australia, among archaic savages who have neither metals, agriculture, pottery nor domesticated animals, a graduated scale of matrimonial institutions exists. First there are local tribes, each tribe having its own dialect; holding a recognized area of territory; and living on friendly terms with neighbouring tribes. Territorial conquest is never attempted. In many cases a knot of tribes of allied dialects and kindred rites may be, or at least is, spoken of as a " nation " by our authorities.
7. Customary law is administered by the Seniors, the wise, the magically skilled, who in many cases are " headmen " of local groups or of sets of kindred. As to marriage, persons may wed within the local tribe, or into a neighbouring local tribe, at will, provided that they obey the restrictions of customary law. The local tribe is neither exogamous nor endogamous, any more than is an English county. The restrictions, except where they have become obsolete, fall into six main categories: (r) In the most primitive, each tribe consists of two intermarrying and exogamous divisions, which are often styled phratries. Each such division has a name, which, when it can be translated, is the name of an animal: in the majority of cases, however, the meaning of the phratry name is lost. In one instance, that of the Euahlayi tribe of north-west New South Wales, the phratry names are said (by Mrs Langloh Parker) to mean " Light Blood "and " Dark Blood." This, as in the theory of the Rev. J. Mathews, Eagle and Crow, might be taken to indicate a blending of two distinct races. Taking, for the sake of clearness, tribes whose phratry names mean " Crow " and " Eagle Hawk," every member of the tribe belongs either to Eagle Hawk phratry or to Crow phratry: if to Crow, the man or woman can only marry an Eagle Hawk, if to Eagle Hawk, can only marry a Crow. The children invariably belong to the phratry of the mother, in this most primitive type. Within Eagle Hawk phratry is one set of totem kins, named usually after various species of animals and plants; within Crow phratry is another set of totem kins, named always (except in one region of Central Australia) after a different set of plants and animals. With the exception mentioned (that of the Arunta nation "), in no tribe does the same totem ever occur in both phratries. Totems and totem names are inherited by the children from the mother, in this primitive type. Thus a man, Eagle Hawk by phratry, Snipe by totem, marries a woman Crow by phratry, Black Duck by totem. His children by her are of phratry Crow, of totem Black Duck. Obviously no person can marry another of his or her own totem, because, in the phratry into which he or she must marry, no man or woman of his or her totem exists. The prohibition extends to members of alien and remote tribes, if of the same totem name.
The same rules exist in the more primitive North American tribes, but as the phratry there has generally, though not always, decayed, the rule, where this has occurred, merely forbids marriage within the totem kin.
(2) We find this type of organization, where the child inherits phratry and totem from the father, not from the mother.
(3) We find tribes in which phratry and totem are inherited from the mother, but an additional rule prevails: the rule of " Matrimonial Classes." By this device, in phratry " Dilbi," there are two classes, " Muri " and " Kubi." In phratry " Kupathin " are two classes, " Ipai " and " Kumbo " (all these names are of unknown meaning). Each child inherits its mother's phratry name and totem name, and also the name of that class of the two in the mother's phratry to which the mother does not belong. No person may marry into his or her own class - practically into his or her own generation: the rule makes parental and filial marriages impossible, - but these never occur even among more primitive tribes which have not the institution of classes. Suppose that the class names are really names of animals and other objects in nature - as in a few cases they actually are. Then the rules, where classes exist, would amount to this: no person may marry another who, by phratry, totem or generation, owns the same hereditary animal name as himself or herself. In practice, where phratries exist, a man who knows a woman's phratry name knows whether or not he may marry her. Where class names exist (even though the phratry name be lost), a man who knows a woman's class name knows whether or not he may marry her. Nothing can be simpler in practice.
(4) The same rules as under (3) exist, but the phratry, totem and class are inherited through the father: the class of the child of course not being the father's, but the linked class in his phratry.
(5) In the fifth category (Central North Australia), while phratry name (if not lost) and totem name are inherited from the father, by a refinement of law which is spreading southwards there are four classes in each phratry (or main exogamous division unnamed), and the choice of a partner in life is thus more restricted than in more primitive tribes.
(6) Finally we reach the institutions of the group of tribes called, from the name of the most powerful tribe in the set, " the Arunta nation." They occupy the Macdonnell Ranges and other territory in the very centre of Australia. The Arunta reckon kinship in the male line: their phratry names they have forgotten, in place of phratries eight matrimonial classes regulate marriage. In these respects they resemble most of the central and northern tribes, but present this unique peculiarity, that the same totems may and do exist in both of the opposed intermarrying exogamous divisions consisting of four classes each. It thus results that a man, in the Arunta tribe, may marry a woman of his own totem, if she be in the class with which he may intermarry. This licence is unknown in every other part of the totemic world, and even in the Kaitish tribe of the Arunta nation intertotemic marriages, in practice, almost never occur.
Among the Arunta the totems are only prominent in magical ceremonies, unknown in South-Eastern Australia. At these ceremonies (Intichiuma) the men of the totem do co-operative magic for the benefit of their plant or animal, as part of the tribal food-supply. The members of the totem taste it sparingly on these occasions, apparently under the belief that to do so increases their magical power: the rest of the tribe eat freely. But, as far as denoting kinship or regulating marriage is con cerned, the totems, among the Arunta, have no legally important existence. Men and women of the same totem may intermarry, their children need not belong to the totem of either father or mother.
The process by which Arunta totems came thus to differ from those of all other savages is easily understood. Like the other tribes from the centre to the north (including the Urabunna nation, which reckons descent through women), the Arunta. believe that the souls of the primal semi-bestial ancestors of the Alcheringa or " dream time " are perpetually reincarnated. This opinion does not affect by itself the usual exogamous character of totemism among the other tribes. The Arunta nation, however, cultivates an additional myth, namely that the primal ancestors, when they sank into the ground, left behind them certain oval stone slabs, with archaic markings, called churinga nanja, or " sacred things of the nanja." The nanja,again, is a tree or rock, fabled to have risen up to mark the spot where a group of primal ancestors, all of one and the same totem in each case (Cats here, Grubs there, Ducks elsewhere), " went into the ground." The souls of these ancestors haunt such spots, especially they haunt the nanja tree or rock, and the stonechuringa nanja. Each district, therefore, has its own oknanikilla (or local totem centre of the ghosts), Cat ghosts, Grub ghosts, Hakea flower ghosts and so on. These spirits enter into women. and are reborn as children. When a child comes to birth, the mother names the oknanikilla in which she conceived it, and, whatever the ghost totem of that place may be, it is the child's. totem. Its mother may be a Grub, its father may be a Crow, but if the child was conceived in a Duck, or Cat, or Opossum or Kangaroo locality, it is, by totem, a Cat, Opossum, Duck or Kangaroo. The churinga nanja of its primal ancestor is sought for at the place of the child's conception, and is put into the sacred repository of such objects.
Thus the child does not inherit its totem from father, or from mother, as everywhere else, but does inherit the right to do ceremonies for the paternal totem: a proof that, of old, totems were inherited, as elsewhere, and that in the male line. If totems among the Arunta, as everywhere else, were once arranged on the plan that the same totem never occurs in both exogamous moieties, that arrangement has been destroyed, as was inevitable, by the existing method of allotting totems to children, not by inheritance, - but at haphazard. By this means (a. consequence of the unique Arunta belief about churinga nanja) the same totems have got into both exogamous moieties, so that persons of the same totem, but of appropriate matrimonial classes, may marry. This licence is absolutely confined to the limited region in which stone churinga nanja occur.
The whole system is impossible except where descent is reckoned in the male line, for there alone is localtotemism possible, and the Arunta system is based on local totemism, plus the churinga nanja and reincarnation beliefs. With reckoning of descent in the female line, no locality can possibly have its localtotem: all the totems indiscriminately distributed everywhere: and thus no woman can say in what totemic locality her child was conceived, for there is not and cannot be, with female descent, any totemic locality.Now it is admitted that reckoning by female descent is the earlier method, and it is granted that in rites and ceremonies the Arunta are of a relatively advanced and highly organized pattern. Their social organization is local, and they have a kind of local magistracies, hereditary in the male line.
In spite of these facts, Spencer and Gillen conceive that the peculiar totemism of the Arunta is the most primitive type extant (cp. Spencer, J.A.I. (N.S.), vol. i. 275-281; and Frazer, ibid. 281-288). It is not easy to understand this position, as, without male kinship and consequent local totemism (which are not primitive), and without the churinga nanja (which exist only in a strictly limited area), the Arunta system of non-exogamous totems cannot possibly exist. Again, the other tribes cannot have passed through the Arunta stage, for, if they had, their totems would have existed, as among the Arunta, in both exogamous moieties, and would there remain when they came to be inherited; so that the totems of all these tribes would still be non-exogamous, like those of the Arunta. But this is not the case. Once more, it is clear that the Arunta system has but recently reached their neighbours, the Kaitish, for though they have the churinga nanjabelief, and the haphazard method of acquiring totems by local accident, these things have not yet overcome the old traditional reluctance to marry within the totem name. It is not unlawful among the Kaitish; but it is hardly ever done.
Despite these objections, however, Spencer and Gillen hold, as we have said, that, originally, there were no restrictions (or no known restrictions) on marriage. Totems were merely the result of the formation of co-operative magical societies, in the interest of the tribal food supply. Then, in some unknown way, regulations as to marriage were introduced for some unknown purpose, or were involved in some manner not understood. " The traditions of the Arunta," says Spencer, " point to a very definite introduction of an exogamous system long after the totemic groups were fully developed, and, further, they point very clearly to the fact that the introduction was due to the deliberate action of certain ancestors. Our knowledge of the natives leads us to the opinion that it is quite possible that this really took place, that the exogamic groups were deliberately introduced so as to regulate marital relations." Thus the wisdom of men living promiscuously as regards marriage, but organized in magical societies for the benefit of the common food supply of the local tribe (a complex institution postulated as already in being at this early stage), induced them to institute exogamy. Why they did this, what harm they saw in their promiscuity, we are not informed. Spencer goes on, " by this we do not mean that the regulations had anything whatever to do with the idea of incest, or of any harm accruing from the union of individuals who were regarded as too nearly related.. .. There was felt the need of some kind of organization, and this gradually resulted in the development of exogamous groups." But as " it is quite possible that the exogamous groups were deliberately introduced to regulate marital relations," and as they could only do so by introducing exogamy, we do not see how that system can be the result of the gradual development of an organization quelconque, - of unknown nature. A magical organization already existed ( Journal of the Anthropological Institute, New Series, i. pp. 284-285).
The traditions of the Arunta seem here to be first accepted: " quite possibly " they are correct in stating that an exogamic system was purposefully introduced, long after totemic groups had arisen, by " the deliberate action of certain ancestors," and then that myth is rejected, in favour of the gradual development of exogamy, " out of some form of organization," unknown.
People who, like the Arunta, have lost memory of the very names of the phratries, cannot conceivably remember the nature of the origin of exogamy. Accustomed as they now are to tribal councils which introduce new rules, they fancy that, in the beginning, new rules were thus introduced.
Meanwhile the working of magic for the behoof of the totem animals and plants, or rather for the name-giving animals of magical societies, is not known to Howitt among the as to tribes of primitive social organization, while it is well Spencer's known among agricultural natives of the Torres ? 3 ' po- Strait Islands and among the advanced Sioux and thesis. Omaha of North America. The practice seems to belong rather to the decadence than to the dawn of totemism. On the whole, then, there seem to be insuperable difficulties in the way of Spencer's hypothesis that mankind were promiscuous, as regards marriage, but were organized into cooperative magical groups, athwart which came, in some unexplained way, the rule of exogamy; while, when it did come, all savages except the Arunta arranged matters so that totem kins were exogamous. The reverse was probably the case, totem kins were originally exogamous, and ceased to be so, and even to be kips among the Arunta, in consequence of the churinga nanja creed, becoming co-operative magical societies (Hartland, Marett, Durkheim and others).
8, Spencer and Gillen leave the origin of exogamy an open question. Howitt supposes that, in the shape of the phratriac division of the tribe into two exogamous moieties, the scheme may have been introduced to the tribal a'r1gin of headmen by a medicine man " announcing to his exogamy. fellow headman a command received from some super natural being.. ." ( Natives of South-East Australia, pp. 89, go). The Council, so to speak, of " headmen " accept the divine decree, and the assembled tribe pass the Act. But this explanation explains nothing. Why did the prophet wish to introduce exogamy? Why were names of animals given, in so many cases, to the two exogamous divisions ? As Howitt asks ( op. cit. p. 153), " How was it that men assumed the names of objects, which in fact must have been the commencement of totemism ? " It is apparent that any theory which begins by postulating the existence of early mankind in promiscuous groups or hordes, into which exogamous moieties are introduced by tribal decree, takes for granted that the tribe,with its headman, councils and great meetings (not to mention its inspired prophet, with the tribal " All Father " who inspires him), existed before any rules regulating " marital relations " were evolved. Even if all this were probable, we are not told why a promiscuous tribe thought good to establish exogamous divisions. Some native myths attribute the institution to certain wise ancestors; some to the supernatural " All Father," say Baiame; some to a treaty between Eagle Hawk and Crow, beings of cosmogonic legend, who give names to the phratries. Such myths are mere hypotheses. It is impossible to imagine how early savages, ex hypothesi promiscuous, saw anything to reform in their state of promiscuity. They now think certain unions wrong, because they are forbidden: they were not forbidden, originally, because they were thought wrong.
Westermarck has endeavoured to escape the difficulty thus: " Among the ancestors of man, as among other animals, there was no doubt a time when blood relationship was no bar to sexual intercourse. But variations here as Wester- elsewhere, would naturally present themselves, and those of our ancestors who avoided in and in breeding would survive," while the others would die out. This appears to be orthodox evolutionary language, but it carries us no further. Human societies are not animals or plants, in whose structure various favourable " accidents " occur, producing better types, which survive. We ask why in human society did " variations present themselves "; why did certain sets of human beings " avoid in and in breeding " ? We are merely told that some of our ancestors became exogamous and survived, while others remained promiscuous and perished. No light is thrown on the problem, - wherefore did some of our ancestors avoid in and in breeding, and become exogamous ? Nothing is gained by saying " thus an instinct would be developed which would be powerful enough, as a rule, to prevent injurious unions." There is no " instinct," there is a tribal law of exogamy. If there had been an " instinct," it might account for the avoidance of " in and in breeding " - that is, it might account for exogamy, ab initio. But that is left unaccounted for by the theory which, after maintaining that the avoidance produced the instinct, seems to argue that the instinct produced the avoidance. Westermarck goes on to say that " exogamy, as a natural extension of the instinct, would arise when single families united in small hordes." But, if the single families already had the " instinct," they would not marry within the family: they would be exogamous, - marrying only into other families, - before they " united in small hordes." The difficulty of accounting for exogamy does not seem to have been overcome, and no attempt is made to explain the animal names of totem kins and phratries. Westermarck, however, says that " there is no reason why we should assume, as so many anthropologists have done, that primitive men lived in small endogamous groups, practising incest in every degree," although, as he also says, " there was no doubt a time when blood relationship was no bar to sexual intercourse." If there was no bar, people would " practise incest in every degree," - what was there to prevent them ? ( History of Human Marriage, pp. 35 2, 353 (1891)).
So far we have seen no luminous and consistent account of how mankind became exogamous, if they began by being promiscuous. The theories rest on the idea that man, dwelling in an " undivided horde " (except so far as it was divided into co-operative magical societies), bisected it into two exogamous intermarrying moieties. Durkheim has put forward a theory which is not at all points easily understood. He supposes that, " at the beginning of societies of men, incest was not prohibited. .. before each horde (peuplade ) divided itself into two primitive ` clans ' at least " (L'Annee sociologique, i. pp. 62, 63). Each of the two " clans " claimed descent from a different animal, which was its totem, and its " god." The two clans were exogamous, - out of respect to the blood of their totem (with which every member of the clan is mystically one), and, being hostile, the two clans raided each other for women. Each clan threw off colonies, which took new totems, new "gods," though still owning some regard to their original clan, from which they had seceded, while abandoning its " god." When the two ";'primary clans " made alliance and connubium,they became the phratries in the local tribe, and their colonies became the totem kins within the phratries.
We are not told why the original horde was disrupted into two hostile and intermarrying "clans": we especially wonder why the horde, if it wanted an animal god, did not choose one animal for the whole community; and we may suspect that a difference of taste in animal " gods " caused the hostility of the two clans. Nor do we see why, if things occurred thus, the totem kins should not represent twenty or thirty differences of religious taste, in the original horde, as to the choice of animal gods. If the horde was going to vary in opinion, it is unlikely that only two factions put forward animal candidates for divinity. Again, a " clan " (a totem kin, with exogamy and descent derived through mothers) cannot overflow its territorial area and be therefore obliged to send out colonies, for such a clan (as Durkheim himself remarks) has no territorial area to overflow. It is not a local institution at all.
While these objections cannot but occur, Durkheim does provide a valid reason for the existence of exogamy. When once the groups (however they got them) had totems, with the usual taboos on any sort of use of the totem by his human kinsfolk, the women of the kin would be tabooed to the men of the same kin. In marrying a maiden of his own totem, a man inevitably violates the sanctity of the blood of the totem (L' Anna sociologique, i. pp. 47-57. Cf. Reinach, Cultes, mythes et religions, vol. i. pp. 162-166).
Here at last we have a theory which accounts for the " religious horror " that attaches to the violation of the rule of totemic exogamy: a mysterious entity, the totem, is hereby offended. But how did totems, animals, plants and so on, come to be mystically solidaires with their human namesakes and kinsmen? We do not observe that Dr Durkheim ever explains why two divisions of one horde chose each a different animal god, or why the supposed colonies thrown off by these primary clans deserted their animal gods for others, or why, and on what principle, they all chose new " gods," - fresh animals, plants and other objects. His hereditary totem is, in practice, the last thing that a savage changes. The only case of change on record is a recent attempt to increase the range of legal marriages in a waning Australian tribe, on whose lands certain species of animals are perishing.
Theories based on a supposed primal state of promiscuity certainly encounter, when explaining the social oganization of Australian savages, difficulties which they do not without fully realizing the merit of his own suggestions) a way out of the perplexities caused by the conception of early mankind dwelling promiscuously in " undivided communes." The way out is practically to say that, in everyday life, they lived in nothing of the sort. Howitt writes (Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 173): " A study of the evidence. .. has led me to the conclusion that the state of society among the early Australians was that of an ` Undivided Commune.'.. .
It is, however, well to guard this expression. I do not desire to imply necessarily the existence of complete and continuous communism between the sexes. The character of the country, the necessity of moving from one point to another in search of game and vegetable food, would cause any Undivided Commune, when it assumed dimensions greater than the immediate locality could provide with food, to break up into two or more Communes of the same character. In addition to this it is clear. .. that in the past as now, individual likes and dislikes must have existed, so that, admitting the existence of common rights between the members of the Commune, these rights would remain in abeyance, so far as the separated parts of the Commune were concerned. But at certain gatherings. .. or on great ceremonial occasions, all the segments of the original Commune would reunite," and would behave in the fashion now common in great licentious festive meetings.
In the early ages contemplated, how can we postulate " great ceremonial occasions " or even peaceful assemblies at fruitbearing spots? How can we postulate a surviving sense of solidarity among the scattered segments of the Commune, obviously very small, owing to lack of supplies, and perpetually disintegrated? But, taking the original groups as very small, and as ruled by likes and dislikes, by affection and jealousy, we are no longer concerned with a promiscuous horde, but with a little knot of human beings, in whom love, parental affection and the jealousy of sires, would promptly make discriminations between this person and that person, as regards sexual privileges. Thus we have edged away from the hypothesis of the promiscuous indiscriminating horde to the opinion of Darwin. " We may conclude," he says, " from what we know of the jealousy of all male quadrupeds, armed as many of them are with special weapons for battling with their rivals, that promiscuous intercourse in a state of Nature is extremely improbable.. .. The most probable view is that Man originally lived in small communities, each (man) with a single wife, or, if powerful, with several, whom he jealously guarded against all other men." But, in a community of this early type, to guard women jealously would mean constant battle, at least when Man became an animal who makes love all the year round. So Darwin adds: " Or man may not have been a social animal, and yet have lived with several wives, like the Gorilla, - for all the natives agree that but one adult male is seen in a band; when the young male grows up a contest takes place for the mastery, and the strongest, by killing or driving out the others, establishes himself as head of the Community. Younger males, being thus expelled and wandering about, would, when at last successful in finding a partner, prevent too close interbreeding within the limits of the same family " (Descent of Man, ii. pp. 361, 3 6 3 (1871)).
Here, then, we have practical Exogamy, as regards unions of brothers and sisters, among man still brutish, while the Sire is husband of the whole harem of females, probably unchecked as regards his daughters.
On this Darwinian text J. J. Atkinson builds his theory of the evolution of exogamy and of savage society in his Primal Law (Social Origins and Primal Law, by Lang and Atkinson, 1903). Paternal jealousy "gave birth to Primal Law, prohibitory of marriage between certain members of a family or local group, and thus, in natural sequence, led to forced connubial selection beyond its circle, that is, led to Exogamy. .. as a habit,not as an expressed law... ." The " expressed law " was necessarily a later development; conditioned by the circumstances which produced totemism, and sanctioned, as on Durkheim's scheme, by the totemic taboo. Atkinson worked out his theory by a minute study of customs of avoidance between near kin by blood or affinity; by observations on the customs of animals, and by hypotheses as to the very gradual evolution of human restrictions through many modifications. He also gave a theory of the " classificatory " system of names for relationships opposed to that of Morgan. The names are based merely " on reference to relativity of age of a class in relation to the group." The exogamous moieties of a tribe (phratries) are not surmount. But Howitt has provided (apparently p (pp ?' the result of a reformatory legislative bisection of the tribe, but of the existence of " two intermarrying totem clan groups." The whole treatise, allowing for defects caused by the author's death before the book was printed, is highly original and ingenious. The author, however, did not touch on the evolution of totemism.
q. The following system, as a means of making intelligible the evolution of Australian totemic society, is proposed by the present writer. We may suggest that men originally Atkinson; that is, in Darwin's " family group," containing but one adult male, with the females, the adolescent males being driven out, to find each a female mate, or mates, elsewhere if they can. With increase of skill, improvements in implements and mitigation of ferocity, such groups may become larger, in a given area, but men may retain the habit of seeking mates outside the limits of the group of contiguity; the " avoidance " of brothers and sisters may already have arisen. Among the advanced Arunta, now, a man may speak freely to his elder sisters; to younger sisters, or " tribal sisters," he may not speak, " or only at such a distance that the features are indistinguishable." This archaic rule of avoidance would be a step facilitating the permission to adult males to dwell in their paternal group, avoiding their sisters. Such groups, whether habitually exogamous or not, will require names for each other, and various reasons would yield a preference to names derived from animals. These are easily signalled in gesture language; are easily presented in pictographs and tattooing; are even now, among savages and boys, the most usual sort of personal nicknames; and are widely employed as group names of villagers in European folk-lore. Among European rustics such group sobriquets are usual, but are resented. The savage, with his ideas of the equality or superiority of animals to himself, sees nothing to resent in an animal sobriquet, and the names, originally group sobriquets, would not find more difficulty in being accepted than " Whig," " Tory," " Huguenot," " Cavalier," " Christian," " Cameronian," - all of them originally nicknames given from without. Again, " Wry Nose " and " Crooked Mouth " are derisive nicknames, but they are the translations of the ancient Celtic clan names Cameron and Campbell. The nicknames " Naked Dogs," " Liars," " Buffalo Dung," " Men who do not laugh," " Big Topknots," have been thoroughly accepted by the " gentes " of the Blackfoot Indians, now passing out of Totemism (Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, pp. 208-225).
As Howitt writes, " the assumption of the names of objects by men must in fact have been the origin of totemism." Howitt does not admit the theory that the totem names came to arise in this way, but this way is a vera causa. Names must be given either from within or from without. A group, in savagery, has no need of a name for itself; " we " are " we," or are " The Men "; for all other adjacent groups names are needed. The name of one totem, Thaballa, " The Laughing Boy " totem, among the Warramunga and another tribe, is quite transparently a nickname, as is Karti," The Grown-up Men " (Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 207).
There is nothing, prima facie, which renders this origin of animal, plant and other such names for early savage groups at all improbable. They would not even be resented, as now are the animal names for villagers in the Orkneys, the Channel Islands, France, Cornwall and in ancient Israel (for examples see Social Origins, pp. 295-301). The names once accepted, and their origin forgotten, would be inevitably regarded as implying a mystic rapport between the bestial and the human namesakes, Crow, Eagle Hawk, Grub, Bandicoot, Opossum, Emu, Kangaroo and so on (see Name). On this subject it is enough to cite J. G. Frazer, in The Golden Bough (2nd ed., vol. i. pp. 404-446). Here will be found a rich and satisfactory collection of proof that community of name implies mystic rapport. Professor Rhys is quoted for the statement that probably " the whole Aryan race believed at one time not only that the name was a part of the man, but that it was that part of him which is termed the soul." In such a mental stage the men " Crows " identify themselves with the actual Crow species: the birds are now " of their flesh," are fabled to be their ancestors, or the men have been evolved out of the birds. The Crow is sacro-sanct, a friend and protector, and a centre of taboos, one of which is the prohibition preventing a Crow man from intercourse with a Crow woman, " however far apart their hunting grounds may have been." All men and women Crows are recognized as brothers and sisters in the Crow, and are not intermarriageable.
On these lines the prohibition to infringe the totem taboo by marriage within the totem name is intelligible, but the system of phratries has yet to be accounted for. It is obvious that the names could only have been given originally to local groups: the people who held this or that local habitation received the name. Suppose that the rule of each such group, or heart circle, had been " no marriage within the local group or camp," as in Atkinson's scheme. When the groups accept their new names, the rule becomes, " no marriage within local group Eagle Hawk, group Crow," and so on. So far the animal giving the group name may not yet have become a revered totem. The result of the rule would inevitably be, in three or four generations, that in groups Crow or Eagle Hawk, there were no Crows or Eagle Hawks by descent, if the children took the names of descent from their mothers; for the sake of differentiation: the Ant woman's children in local group Crow being Ants, the Grub woman's children being Grubs, the Eagle Hawk woman's children being Eagle Hawks, - all in local group Crow, and inheriting the names of the local groups whence their mothers were brought into local group Crow.
By this means (indicated first by McLennan) each member of a local group would have a local group name, say Eagle Hawk, and a name by female descent, say Kangaroo, in addition, as now, to his or her personal name. In this way, all members of each local group would find, in any other local group, people of his name of descent, and, as the totem belief grew to maturity, kinsmen of his in the totem. When this fact was realized, it would inevitably make for peace among all contiguous groups. In place of taking women by force, at the risk of shedding kindred blood, peaceful betrothals between men and women of different local group names and of different names by descent could be arranged. Say that local groups Eagle Hawk and Crow took the lead in this arrangement of alliance and connubium, and that (as they would naturally flourish in the strength conferred by union) the other local groups came into it, ranging themselves under Eagle Hawk and Crow, we should have the existing primitive type of organization: Local Groups Eagle Hawk ( Mukwara ) and Crow (Kilpara ) would have become the widely diffused phratries, Mukwara and Kilpara, with all the totem kins within them.
But, on these lines, some members of any totem kin, say Cat, would be in phratry Eagle Hawk, some would be in phratry Kilpara as now (for the different reason already indicated) among the Arunta. Such persons were in a quandary. By phratry law, as being in opposite phratries, a Cat in Eagle Hawk phratry could marry a Cat in Crow phratry. But, by totem law, this was impossible. To avoid the clash of law, all Cats had to go into one phratry or the other, either into Eagle Hawk or into Crow.
Two whole totem kins were in the same unhappy position. The persons who were Eagle Hawks by descentcould not be in Eagle Hawk local group, now phratry, as we have already shown. They were in Crow phratry, they could not, by phratry law, marry in their own phratry, and to marry in Eagle Hawk was to break the old law, " no marriage within the local group name." Their only chance was to return to Eagle Hawk phratry, while Crow totem kin went into Crow phratry, and thus we often find, in fact, that in Australian phratriesMukwara (Eagle Hawk) there is a totem kin Eagle Hawk, and in Kilpara phratry (Crow) there is a totem kin Crow. This arrangement - the totem kin within the phratry of its own name - has long been known to exist in America. The Thlinkets have Raven phratry, with totem kins Raven, Frog, Goose, &c., and Wolf phratry, withLa lived in the state of " the Cyclopean family " of system. totem kins Wolf, Bear, Eagle, &c. (Frazer,Totemism, pp. 61, 62 (1887)). In Australia the fact has hitherto escaped observation, because so many phratry names are not translated, while, though Mukwara and Kilpara are translated, the Eagle Hawk and Crow totem kins within them bear other names for the same birds, more recent names, or tribal native names, such as Biliari and Waa, while Mukwara and Kilpara may have been names borrowed, within the institution of phratries, from some alien tribe now perhaps extinct.
We have now sketched a scheme explanatory of the most primitive type of social organization in Australia. The tendency is for phratries first to lose the meanings of their names, and, next, for their names to lapse into oblivion, as among the Arunta; the work of regulating marriage being done by the opposed Matrimonial Classes.
These classes are obviously an artificial arrangement, intended to restrict marriage to persons on the same level as generations. The meanings of the class names are only known with certainty in two cases, and then are names of animals, while there is reason to suspect that animal names occur in four or five of the eight class-names which, in different dialect forms, prevail in central and northern Australia. Conceivably the new class regulations made use of the old totemic machinery of nomenclature. But until Australian philologists can trace the original meanings of Class names, further speculation is premature.
ro. Much might be said about the way out of totemism. When once descent and inheritance are traced through males, the social side of totemism begins to break up. One way out is the Arunta way, where totems no longer designate kinships. In parts of America totems are s