Kamis, 08 September 2011

GOD ONLY KNOWs

Hanya Tuhan yang Bisa Menilai Keimanan Seseorang Ilham Khoiri | Robert Adhi Ksp | Jumat, 9 September 2011 | 07:10 WIB JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com — Masyarakat menolak campur tangan negara dan institusi lain di luar agama dalam soal keyakinan karena itu merupakan urusan privat. Hanya Tuhan yang dianggap sebagai satu-satunya yang berwewenang meminta pertanggungjawaban dari keimanan seseorang. Demikian salah satu kesimpulan survei opini publik ”Keberagaman Publik dan Sikapnya terhadap Ahmadiyah” oleh Setara Institute yang disampaikan di Jakarta, Kamis (8/9). Acara itu dihadiri Ketua Badan Pengurus Setara Institute Hendardi, Wakil Ketua Setara Bonar Tigor Naipospos, dan peneliti Ismail Hasani. Survei melibatkan 3.000 responden dengan teknik random/acak. Penelitian tersebar di 47 kabupaten/ kota di 10 provinsi pada 10-15 Juli 2010. Hasil survei itu menunjukkan, masyarakat menempatkan keimanan seseorang dalam beragama sepenuhnya bersifat privat. Dengan begitu, tidak seorang atau kelompok mana pun yang dapat meminta pertanggungjawaban keimanan seseorang. Sikap ini didukung oleh mayoritas (72,6 persen) responden. Mereka menolak upaya sekelompok orang yang meminta pertanggungjawaban atas keimanan seseorang. Hanya sebagian kecil (12,8 persen) yang mendukung upaya itu. Mayoritas (89,8 persen) responden juga berpandangan bahwa hanya Tuhan sebagai satu-satunya pihak yang memiliki hak mutlak dan eksklusif untuk meminta pertanggungjawaban atas keimanan seseorang. Hanya sedikit (4,2 persen) responden yang memperbolehkan pihak selain Tuhan yang meminta pertanggungjawaban keimanan itu. Selain itu, sebagian besar (39 persen) responden beranggapan, semua agama menjamin keselamatan bagi pemeluknya. Sekitar 29 persen responden berpendirian, hanya agama yang dianut yang dapat memberikan jaminan keselamatan. Menurut Bonar Tigor Naipospos, hasil survei bagian ini menggambarkan bahwa secara umum masyarakat masih mendukung kebebasan beragama dan antikekerasan dalam penyebaran agama. Masyarakat juga menolak campur tangan negara dan institusi di luar agama dalam soal keyakinan. ”Jadi, sebenarnya masih ada toleransi antarumat beragama di tingkat masyarakat bawah di Indonesia. Ini merupakan modal sosial yang baik untuk terus dikembangkan ke depan,” katanya.

Rabu, 07 September 2011

Cybertheology, Jesus says

What would Jesus hack? Cybertheology: Just how much does Christian doctrine have in common with the open-source software movement? Sep 3rd 2011 | from the print edition the economist “THE kingdom of heaven belongs to such as these,” Jesus said of little children. But computer hackers might give the kids some competition, according to Antonio Spadaro, an Italian Jesuit priest. In an article published earlier this year in La Civiltà Cattolica, a fortnightly magazine backed by the Vatican, entitled “Hacker ethics and Christian vision”, he did not merely praise hackers, but held up their approach to life as in some ways divine. Mr Spadaro argued that hacking is a form of participation in God’s work of creation. (He uses the word hacking in its traditional, noble sense within computing circles, to refer to building or tinkering with code, rather than breaking into websites. Such nefarious activities are instead known as “malicious hacking” or “cracking”.) Mr Spadaro says he became interested in the subject when he noticed that hackers and students of hacker culture used “the language of theological value” when writing about creativity and coding, so he decided to examine the idea more deeply. The hacker ethic forged on America’s west coast in the 1970s and 1980s was playful, open to sharing, and ready to challenge models of proprietary control, competition and even private property. Hackers were the origin of the “open source” movement which creates and distributes software that is free in two senses: it costs nothing and its underlying code can be modified by anyone to fit their needs. “In a world devoted to the logic of profit,” wrote Mr Spadaro, hackers and Christians have “much to give each other” as they promote a more positive vision of work, sharing and creativity. He is not the only person to see an affinity between the open-source hacker ethos and Christianity. Catholic open-source advocates have founded a group called Elèutheros to encourage the church to endorse such software. Its manifesto refers to “strong ideal affinities between Christianity, the philosophy of free software, and the adoption of open formats and protocols”. Marco Fioretti, co-founder of the group, says open-source software teaches the “practical dimension of community and service to others that is already in the church message”. There are also legal motivations. Commercial software such as Microsoft Word is widely pirated in many parts of the world, by Catholics as well as others. Mr Fioretti advocates the use of open-source software instead, because he doesn’t want people “to violate a law without any real reason, just to open a church document”. Although the Vatican has yet to encourage the faithful to live like hackers, it has praised the internet as “truly blessed” for its ability to connect people and share information. The pope has even joined Twitter. But praise has always been tempered by warnings. As early as 2002, for instance, the Vatican’s “Church and Internet” document cautioned that “there are no sacraments on the internet” and worried about the solipsistic appeal of technology. Moreover, hackers in particular have problematic traits from the perspective of the Catholic church, such as a distrust of authorities and scepticism toward received wisdom. And the idea of tweaking source materials to fit one’s needs doesn’t mesh well with the Catholic emphasis on authority and tradition. Cathedrals and bazaars Mr Spadaro recognises these tensions but finds them manageable. Not everyone agrees. Eric Raymond, author of a classic essay on open-source software, “The Cathedral and the Bazaar”, finds it hard to believe that some Christians want to canonise the hacker mindset. After being quoted in Mr Spadaro’s paper, Mr Raymond took to his own website to note that he had deliberately equated cathedrals with proprietary, closed-source software directed from above, by contrast with the more chaotic bazaar of equals which produces open-source code. “Cathedrals—vertical, centralising religious edifices imbued with a tradition of authoritarianism and ‘revealed truth’—are the polar opposite of the healthy, sceptical, anti-authoritarian nous at the heart of the hacker culture,” Mr Raymond declared. As for Mr Spadaro’s ideas, they possessed a “special, almost unique looniness”. But Mr Spadaro is merely the latest to link coding with Christian attitudes towards creativity and sharing. Don Parris, a North Carolina pastor, wrote an article in Linux Journal in 2004 in which he argued that “proprietary software limits my ability to help my neighbour, one of the cornerstones of the Christian faith.” Larry Wall, the creator of Perl, an open-source programming language, said in an interview a decade ago that God expects humans to create—and to help others do so. Mr Wall said he saw his popular language as just such a prod to creation, saying, “In my little way, I’m sneakily helping people understand a bit more about the sort of people God likes.” More recently Kevin Kelly, co-founder of Wired magazine and author of “What Technology Wants”, published last year, has argued that creation can go further in code. Whereas a novelist can craft a new world, coders can build worlds complete with artificial agents that exist and evolve outside the creator’s mind. Mr Kelly takes literally the words of his friend Stewart Brand, whose “Whole Earth Catalog” quipped, “We are as gods and might as well get good at it.” Mr Kelly, a Christian, says the ability to create artificial life will come with great parental responsibility and suggests that artificial worlds will need to be imbued with moral value. “This causes a kind of revival of religion,” he says, “because religion has been thinking about this issue.” From the outside, hacking computer code has largely been viewed as a technical discipline, not as a theologically rich vision of how to live. But some see a divine aspect to programming—at least when looking with the eye of faith. from the print edition | Technology Quarterly

Rabu, 24 Agustus 2011

korban perkosaan ITU KORBAN KEKUASAAN

August 24, 2011
After Strauss-Kahn, Fear of Rape Victim Silence
By CARA BUCKLEY

She seemed to be the perfect witness. She came forward right away, disclosing detail after damning detail of a sexual attack that, backed by forensic evidence, seemed airtight. She stuck to her story. But then her case fell apart after prosecutors questioned her credibility. The charges against the man she accused, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, were dropped.

Now, rape victims, women’s rights advocates, detectives and prosecutors are sifting through the wreckage of the case of the accuser, Nafissatou Diallo, trying to determine what it will mean for rape cases — already among the most delicate in the criminal justice system — in the days and months to come.

Advocates for domestic violence victims said women who are raped would almost certainly be more fearful of stepping forward, knowing that everything in their past may be exposed; indeed, reporting of rapes usually drops in the aftermath of high-profile sexual assault cases. This reluctance, experts said, will be heightened for new immigrants, who are already fearful of authority, often fleeing a sexually violent past.

“This is going to twist and turn things around,” said Susan Xenarios, head of the Crime Victims Treatment Center at St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital Center.

Other advocates said the dismissal relayed a chilling message that rich and powerful men were more likely to get away with sexual assaults. Still others said the facts of the Strauss-Kahn case were unique unto themselves.

Experts said rape crisis centers usually see a drop in reported cases in the aftermath of high-profile sexual assault cases, especially those in which the prosecution failed, like the case against Duke University lacrosse players; the recent acquittal, on the most serious charges, of two New York police officers who visited a drunk woman repeatedly in her apartment; and the William Kennedy Smith case in the 1990s.

More rapes go unreported than not: according to the Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 6 in 10 sexual assaults are not reported, and just 6 percent of rapists serve jail time.

Michael J. Palladino, president of the Detectives’ Endowment Association, said the publicity of this case would unquestionably be a deterrent for some women. “I’m sure some will hesitate,” he said. “They’re really dragged through the mud, and they’re victimized a second time.”

That thought was echoed by Richard Emery, a longtime civil rights lawyer, who said: “The victim is terribly, terribly tortured, at every level. First by the crime itself. And secondly by the system. There’s no escaping.”

Lynn Hecht Schafran, senior vice president of Legal Momentum, a nonprofit legal advocacy organization for women and girls, said the Diallo case did have its uncommon aspects. The Manhattan district attorney’s office, she noted, went to “unique lengths” to explain its reasoning in dropping the case. The unusual background, including prosecutors’ contention that Ms. Diallo repeatedly lied about her past, should not be a deterrent to other women, she said.

“Victims do not have to be pristine to be believed in court,” Ms. Schafran said.

None of the women’s advocates interviewed expressed doubt in Ms. Diallo’s claim that she was assaulted. And they said her initial account of a gang rape in her home country — which she later admitted was false, contributing to the undoing of her case — could be explained by her anguished state and troubled past, several advocates said.

Dorchen A. Leidholdt, director of the center for battered women’s legal services at the Sanctuary for Families, a nonprofit group that works with victims of domestic violence, noted that a vast majority of Guinean immigrant women had suffered from female genital mutilation and were often forced into an early marriage.

“Erratic responses are something that we see over and over again,” Ms. Leidholdt said. “Her behavior was consistent with a trauma victim.”

Women from tightly knit West African communities in New York were especially focused on the dismissal, saying it lent credence to entrenched beliefs that governed behaviors and attitudes among Muslim immigrants here: that in the event of a sexual attack, a woman is still to blame.

“In Africa, if something happens to you, you have to shut your mouth,” said a 35-year-old former saleswoman from West Africa, who left a job as a home attendant after a charge in her care made sexual advances, and who did want her name published for fear of community retribution. “But when you come here from Africa, you think that there’s protection for women’s rights.”

Still, several women said they were inspired by Ms. Diallo.

A 23-year-old graduate student who is from Guinea and lives in the Bronx said Ms. Diallo’s allegations emboldened her to lodge a complaint against a professor who had made sexual advances and offered her a higher grade if she complied. The woman, who requested anonymity for fear of community stigmatization, was raped by a family member years ago, she said, yet until recently never told a soul. She said the dismissal in the Diallo case suggested to her that people in power would always be protected.

“I feel more vulnerable,” she said.

As for Ms. Diallo, the young graduate student said the former hotel worker had already been ostracized among New York’s Guineans for being an “unlucky woman.”

“This situation,” the young woman said, “is going to make things worse.”

Kamis, 18 Agustus 2011

PEREMPUAN ASIA: lebih bebas

Asia's lonely hearts
Women are rejecting marriage in Asia. The social implications are serious
the economist
Aug 20th 2011 | from the print edition

TWENTY years ago a debate erupted about whether there were specific “Asian values”. Most attention focused on dubious claims by autocrats that democracy was not among them. But a more intriguing, if less noticed, argument was that traditional family values were stronger in Asia than in America and Europe, and that this partly accounted for Asia’s economic success. In the words of Lee Kuan Yew, former prime minister of Singapore and a keen advocate of Asian values, the Chinese family encouraged “scholarship and hard work and thrift and deferment of present enjoyment for future gain”.

On the face of it his claim appears persuasive still. In most of Asia, marriage is widespread and illegitimacy almost unknown. In contrast, half of marriages in some Western countries end in divorce, and half of all children are born outside wedlock. The recent riots across Britain, whose origins many believe lie in an absence of either parental guidance or filial respect, seem to underline a profound difference between East and West.

Yet marriage is changing fast in East, South-East and South Asia, even though each region has different traditions. The changes are different from those that took place in the West in the second half of the 20th century. Divorce, though rising in some countries, remains comparatively rare. What’s happening in Asia is a flight from marriage (see article).

Marriage rates are falling partly because people are postponing getting hitched. Marriage ages have risen all over the world, but the increase is particularly marked in Asia. People there now marry even later than they do in the West. The mean age of marriage in the richest places—Japan, Taiwan, South Korea and Hong Kong—has risen sharply in the past few decades, to reach 29-30 for women and 31-33 for men.

A lot of Asians are not marrying later. They are not marrying at all. Almost a third of Japanese women in their early 30s are unmarried; probably half of those will always be. Over one-fifth of Taiwanese women in their late 30s are single; most will never marry. In some places, rates of non-marriage are especially striking: in Bangkok, 20% of 40-44-year old women are not married; in Tokyo, 21%; among university graduates of that age in Singapore, 27%. So far, the trend has not affected Asia’s two giants, China and India. But it is likely to, as the economic factors that have driven it elsewhere in Asia sweep through those two countries as well; and its consequences will be exacerbated by the sex-selective abortion practised for a generation there. By 2050, there will be 60m more men of marriageable age than women in China and India.

The joy of staying single

Women are retreating from marriage as they go into the workplace. That’s partly because, for a woman, being both employed and married is tough in Asia. Women there are the primary caregivers for husbands, children and, often, for ageing parents; and even when in full-time employment, they are expected to continue to play this role. This is true elsewhere in the world, but the burden that Asian women carry is particularly heavy. Japanese women, who typically work 40 hours a week in the office, then do, on average, another 30 hours of housework. Their husbands, on average, do three hours. And Asian women who give up work to look after children find it hard to return when the offspring are grown. Not surprisingly, Asian women have an unusually pessimistic view of marriage. According to a survey carried out this year, many fewer Japanese women felt positive about their marriage than did Japanese men, or American women or men.

At the same time as employment makes marriage tougher for women, it offers them an alternative. More women are financially independent, so more of them can pursue a single life that may appeal more than the drudgery of a traditional marriage. More education has also contributed to the decline of marriage, because Asian women with the most education have always been the most reluctant to wed—and there are now many more highly educated women.

No marriage, no babies

The flight from marriage in Asia is thus the result of the greater freedom that women enjoy these days, which is to be celebrated. But it is also creating social problems. Compared with the West, Asian countries have invested less in pensions and other forms of social protection, on the assumption that the family will look after ageing or ill relatives. That can no longer be taken for granted. The decline of marriage is also contributing to the collapse in the birth rate. Fertility in East Asia has fallen from 5.3 children per woman in the late 1960s to 1.6 now. In countries with the lowest marriage rates, the fertility rate is nearer 1.0. That is beginning to cause huge demographic problems, as populations age with startling speed. And there are other, less obvious issues. Marriage socialises men: it is associated with lower levels of testosterone and less criminal behaviour. Less marriage might mean more crime.

Can marriage be revived in Asia? Maybe, if expectations of those roles of both sexes change; but shifting traditional attitudes is hard. Governments cannot legislate away popular prejudices. They can, though, encourage change. Relaxing divorce laws might, paradoxically, boost marriage. Women who now steer clear of wedlock might be more willing to tie the knot if they know it can be untied—not just because they can get out of the marriage if it doesn’t work, but also because their freedom to leave might keep their husbands on their toes. Family law should give divorced women a more generous share of the couple’s assets. Governments should also legislate to get employers to offer both maternal and paternal leave, and provide or subsidise child care. If taking on such expenses helped promote family life, it might reduce the burden on the state of looking after the old.

Asian governments have long taken the view that the superiority of their family life was one of their big advantages over the West. That confidence is no longer warranted. They need to wake up to the huge social changes happening in their countries and think about how to cope with the consequences.

Selasa, 09 Agustus 2011

CA(k)pres (1)

KAHMI & PA GMNI Usung Mahfud-Soekarwo Capres 2014?
Nurul Arifin - Okezone
Rabu, 10 Agustus 2011 03:06 wib


SURABAYA - Pertemuan sejumlah Pengurus Alumni Gerakan Mahasiswa Nasional Indonesia (PA-GMNI) dengan Korps Alumni Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam (KAHMI) di rumah dinas Ketua MPR, Taufik Kiemas di Jalan Widya Chandra IV Jakarta, Senin 8 Agustus lalu, dikabarkan membahas pengusungan dua orang untuk tampil sebagai pemimpin bangsa.

Dua nama yang digadang-gadang bakal ikut meramaikan bursa Capres-Cawapres adalah Mahfud MD, Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi (KAHMI) dan Soekarwo, Gubernur Jawa Timur (PA-GMNI).

Soekarwo, yang juga Ketua PA-GMNI ketika dikonfirmasi membenarkan pertemuan tersebut. Menurutnya, pertemuan atas inisiatif dari KAHMI di kediaman Taufiq Kiemas yang juga anggota Dewan Kehormatan PA-GMNI.

"Sebenarnya undangannya hanya 400 orang, tapi yang hadir sampai 800 orang. Sebab, tokoh-tokoh Cipayung yang sekarang tersebar di berbagai partai politik dan lembaga negara juga ikut hadir," kata Soekarwo kepada wartawan di sela-sela acara buka puasa bersama dengan sejumlah partai politik Jawa Timur di Kantor DPW PKS Jatim, Jalan Gayung Sari, Surabaya, Selasa (9/8/2011).

Pria yang akrab disapa Pak Dhe ini berkilah, pertemuan hanyalah silaturrahim yang dikemas dalam bentuk buka puasa bersama. Namun tidak menutup kemungkinan dari pertemuan itu tercetus ide-ide segar untuk memikirkan nasib bangsa ini ke depan. Sebab, beberapa tokoh yang hadir dipertemuan itu adalah dari berbagai bidang dan profesi.

Ia menyebut beberapa tokoh yang hadir dalam acara tersebut adalah Akbar Tanjung anggota Dewan Pembina Partai Golkar, Siswono Yudhohusodo mantan menteri pertanian, Taufik Kiemas Ketua MPR RI, Mahfud MD Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), Viva Yoga Mauladi Wakil Ketua FPAN DPR RI dan Ja'far Hafsah Ketua FPD DPR RI.

Disinggung apakah tokoh-tokoh Cipayung juga memikirkan nasib bangsa ke depan? Dengan lugas Soekarwo menjelaskan bahwa tokoh-tokoh Cipayung memang telah mengerucut dalam masalah suksesi kepemimpinan bangsa.

Intinya, mereka ingin bangsa Indonesia ke depan harus lebih baik. Karena itu harus dipimpin oleh orang-orang yang kredibel dan capabel. "Kalau itu iya, bahkan telah mengerucut bangsa ini harus dipimpin oleh kader terbaik yang dimiliki bangsa Indonesia," ungkapnya.

Ketika disinggung apakah dirinya siap jika digandengkan dengan Mahfud MD dalam Pilpres 2014 mendatang. Pria berkumis ini hanya tertawa dan mengatakan siapa yang akan ditunjuk mewakili kelompok Cipayung itu belum dibahas sebab itu terlalu dini.

"Yang jelas, sekarang ini sudah tidak ada lagi politik aliran sehingga rakyat dalam menentukan pemimpinnya juga tidak harus lagi dilihat dari aliran apa, tetapi apakah dia pantas dan benar-benar mampu menerima amanat rakyat," kilah Soekarwo yang juga Ketua DPD Jatim Partai Demokrat.
(ful)

Sabtu, 06 Agustus 2011

ketiban duren jadi keren

Jumat, 05/08/2011 18:18 WIB
Dawud Bantah Darsem Ingkari Janji-janjinya
Ken Yunita - detikNews


Jakarta - Darsem dituding telah mengingkari janji-janjinya yang diungkapkan sebelum menerima dana sumbangan Rp 1,2 miliar. Namun hal itu dibantah oleh ayah Darsem, Dawud. Menurutnya, Darsem telah menepati semua janji-janjinya.

"Anak saya kan sudah memberi sumbangan ke mana-mana. Ke orang jompo, ke anak yatim sama bangun masjid. Kita sudah bagi-bagi itu," kata Dawud saat berbincang dengan detikcom, Jumat (5/8/2011).

Dawud juga mengklaim, Darsem juga telah berbagi dengan keluarga Ruyati, TKI yang dipancung di Arab Saudi. Namun mengenai jumlahnya yang hanya Rp 20 juta, Dawud enggan berkomentar banyak lagi.

"Kalau itu terserah anak saya, kan itu hak anak saya," kata Dawud.

Dawud bercerita, saat ini Darsem masih sibuk menerima wawancara para wartawan di rumah. Ke depan, Darsem ingin membuka usaha dengan uang yang diperolehnya dari sumbangan pemirsa televisi TVOne itu.

"Kita mau bikin rumah, beli sawah dan mau bikin warung di kampung saja. Belum tahu juga mau usaha apa untuk hidup ke depan," kata Dawud.

Sebelumnya pengacara Darsem, Elyasa Budianto bercerita soal sikap Darsem yang berubah setelah kaya mendadak. Elysa juga bercerita mengenai sikap tetangga Darsem yang tidak suka dengan gaya hidup ibu satu anak itu.

Setelah menerima uang Rp 1,2 miliar, penampilan Darsem menjadi penuh dengan bling-bling. Seluruh tubuh Darsem penuh dengan perhiasan emas sehingga perempuan itu mendapat julukan 'Toko Emas Berjalan'.


(ken/fay)

Kamis, 28 Juli 2011

realisme, realistis, real PRESIDENT

Jumat, 29/07/2011 08:26 WIB
Puan Maharani: Presiden 2014 Cuma dari 3 Partai
Laurencius Simanjuntak - detikNews




Manado - Ketua DPP Bidang Politik PDI Perjuangan Puan Maharani meyakini presiden selanjutnya akan berasal kader atau diusung oleh 3 partai nasional, yakni PDI Perjuangan, Partai Golkar, atau Partai Demokrat. Kepemimpinan nasional harus dipegang oleh orang-orang yang sikap politiknya tidak berlandaskan agama.

"Jadi kan sebenarnya pilihannya hanya 3, PDI Perjuangan, Golkar dan Demokrat. Golkar sudah jelas (capresnya), PDI Perjuangan belum, Demokrat belum jelas. Pasti bola ini akan muncul pada 2013," kata Puan dalam sesi wawancara khusus di sela-sela Rakornas III PDI Perjuangan, Hotel Sedona, Kamis (28/7) kemarin.

Berikut wawancara lengkap dengan Puan soal pencapresan 2014:

Ketua umum Megawati bilang pada saatnya akan membuka akses kepada kader untuk mencapreskan diri. Artinya?

Kita kan sekarang belum bicara masalah pilpres. Sekarang kita masih fokus dalam konsolidasi partai, bagaimana konsolidasi partai ini bisa menghasilkan sesuatu yang nyata jelas kepada rakyat. Kami berharap dengan instrumen kami yang ada hari ini, kepala daerah, legislatif dari tingkat pusat sampai daerah, bisa mengkontribusikan daerahnya masing-masing agar bisa mengahasilkan sesuatu yang nyata bagi rakyat. Kalau masalah presiden belum ada pembicaraan bahwa pilpres nanti siapa yang akan maju atau bagaimana dan apa, akan tergantung hasil pileg yang akan datang nanti.

Apakah pernyaataan ketua umum itu bisa ditafsirkan beliau tidak mau mencapreskan diri lagi?

Kongres III memang tidak langsung mengamatkan ketua umum otomatis menjadi calon dalam pilpres, tetapi kita memberikan semua wewenang itu kepada ketua umum, apakah ketua umum mau maju atau memberikan kesempatan dari internal untuk maju, ya itu semua kembali kepada ketua umum. Kita tidak bisa mengajukan lebih dini. Kalau dulu kan baru dua tahun aja kita sudah bilang capres kita ketum, kalau sekarang enggak. Kita pada proses internal, ketua umum-lah yang menentukan apa beliau akan maju atau memberi kesempatan pada kadernya untuk maju.

Kongres III diputuskan berbeda soal pencapresan yaitu ketum tidak otomatis capres. Apa itu karena pertimbangan kesehatan ketua umum yang saat ini berumur 64 tahun?

Kalau secara fisik ibu ketum sehat walafiat alhamdulillahirobbil alamin. Dengan kerja kepartaian saat ini kami akui ibu cukup mampu untuk melakukan kerja-kerja politik dan mobilisasi kepartaian, dalam artian tidak ada masalah sama sekali dengan kesehatan. Buktinya setiap acara konsolidasi beliau tetap hadir. Tapi kita juga harus realistis dengan dinamika yang ada nantinya. Apakah 2014 iya PDI Perjuangan akan menjadi pemenang pemilu? Apakah tidak, ini tidak bisa kita perkirakan hari ini. Survei boleh saja Demokrat nomor 1, kemudian PDI Perjuangan 2 dan Golkar 3. Namanya survei kan berkembang tiap bulan. Yang penting kesiapan secara internal untuk bisa mengusung satu calon yang secara realitsis berguna bagi rakyat Indonesia secara keseluruhan.

Jadi pertimbangannya apa?

Kita realistis melihat pada 2004 dan 2009 tidak maksimal seperti yang kami inginkan. Jadi nggak bisa juga kita maksa untuk bisa mengikuti pola yang dulu, padahal jelas-jelas dulu hasilnya tidak maksimal. Jadi itu adalah keinginan teman-teman secara sepakat dalam hasil keputusan kongres. Itu hasil evaluasi dan analisa: kenapa 2004 dan 2009 kita nggak menang. Mungkin ada sesuatu yang harus diperbaharui dan kita juga tidak bisa seolah-olah pasti menang. Kita tidak boleh seolah-olah menang padahal tidak bekerja dahulu. Karena itu hal inilah yang harus dicapai. Kerja nyata yang jelas dan diakui masyarakat bahwa PDI Perjuangan memang tidak main-main untuk memperbaiki dirinya.

Jadi PDI Perjuangan akan lebih realistis soal capres?

Apapun harus realitstis pada kondisi hari ini dan ke depan, nggak bisa juga memaksakan kondisi-kondisi yang ada, melihat dinamika waktu lalu.

Bagaimana kalau survei terhadap Megawati masih tinggi jelang Pilpres?

Justru itu realistis aja, kalau memang 2014 nanti kemudian setelah disurvei dan fakta di lapangan menginginkan bahwa Ibu Mega tidak ada yang menandingi, ya apapun kita harus sepakat. Kalau ketum akan maju, kita harus mendukung keputusan yang akan diambil dalam rapat pimpinan partai. Jadi ini artinya buka ketum mencalonkan diri, tapi atas keputusan partai yang mencalonkan ketum kami berdasar fakta-fakta di lapangan bahwa beliaulah yang mempunyai survey baik atau berpotensi untuk menang.

Apakah artinya jelang Pilpres PDI Perjuangan akan ada mekanisme soal pencapresan, seperti konvensi?

Kita tidak ada konvensi dan tidak pernah terpikir akan ada konvensi. Sesuai dengan amanat kongres, kewenang sudah diberikan sepenuhnya kepada ketum. Nanti siapa pun yang akan dipilih ataupun dipersiapkan adalah keputusan ketum yang harus disetujui semua struktural, karena kita sudah menyetujui bahwa dalam Kongres III wewenang itu ada pada ketum.

Bagaimana kalau orang yang ditunjuk elektablitasnya ternyata rendah?

Ya kita kan juga harus realistis, ketum pasti punya pertimbangan-pertimbangan memilih orang tersebut, dalam artian tentu saja kita banyak mekanisme. Kita survei juga beberapa nama. Kita juga lihat kultur PDI Perjuangan, nggak bisa juga seseorang yang pinter, berkontribusi, dan loyal kepada partai ini, otomatis akan menjadi calon yang memang dicalonkan, kalau memang struktur partai tidak menerima dia. Karena memang kulturnya beda. Kita kan memang punya kultur yang beda dengan partai-partai lain.

Apa kira-kira Megawati tertarik dengan kader di luar partai?

Saya rasa nggak mungkin, karena kita tidak memperjualbelikan partai ini keluar. Dalam artian, buat apa kita mengusung sesorang yang bukan kader partai tapi kemudian di tengah jalan saat kekuasaan itu isnya allah didapat, justru tidak memperjuangkan partai ini.

Itu pengalaman Pilkada ya?

Iya, yaiyalah. Karena tidak ada satu undang-undang yang mengikat ini. Kita juga sebagai partai nggak punya kekuatan untuk menurunkan presiden atau wapres yang kita usung (jika tidak memperjuangankan partai-red). Apakah kita akan dibiarkan, memperjualbelikan partai ini? Lalu siapa yang bertanggung jawab? Ya nggak bisa lah. Saya juga nggak setuju, kenapa harus dari orang luar? Meski tidak yang terbaik, tapi lebih baik tidak dari orang luarlah.

Jadi kapan kira-kira waktu jawaban Megawati soal kewenangan capres itu?

Kan ada kalau di partai lain kemungkinan dinamikannya semua ketua umum yang akan maju. Golkar kan sudah jelas Aburizal. Aburizal kan juga tidak akan memberikan kursinya kepada orang lain dong. Demokrat belum jelas, tetapi semua keputusan ada di SBY kan. Siapa yang berani? Apakah Anas berani bilang saya akan menjadi capres? Saya rasa nggak akan mungkin. Kalau kemudian PKS, PKS jelas strukur partai ya bergilir aja, abis dia pasti si ini. Apakah negara ini siap menerima presiden dari PKS? Ya nggak tahu juga kan, sepertinya nggak. Kita masih pluralisme lah, dalam artian siapa pun yang menjadi tangkup kepemimpinan nasional itu bukan orang yang berlandaskan agama. Agar bisa merangkul semuanya. PPP bisa aja maju, tapi kan nggak mungkin jadi RI-1, mungkin R-2. Kemarin-kemarin ada wapres Pak Hamzah Haz dari PPP, tapi kan nggak RI-1. Jadi kan sebenarnya pilihannya hanya 3, PDI Perjuangan, Golkar dan Demokrat. Golkar sudah jelas, PDI Perjuangan belum, Demokrat belum belum jelas. Pasti bola ini akan muncul pada 2013.


(lrn/anw)
Calon Presiden PDIP Tertutup Bagi Orang Luar
Kamis, 28 Juli 2011 | 17:54 WIB


TEMPO Interaktif, Manado - Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan tidak akan memberikan kesempatan kepada orang di luar partainya untuk diusung sebagai calon presiden 2014. "PDI P sama sekali tidak mau menjual partai mereka untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan," kata Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan Bidang Politik Puan Maharani, Kamis sore, 28 Juli 2011.


Menurut Puan, tidak pernah terpikirkan oleh semua kader bahwa calon presiden dari PDIP akan diambil dari orang di luar partai. Apalagi kita tidak punya kekuatan. "Kami khawatir, calon yang kami usung dan terpilih itu mulai membelot dari tujuan utama partai. Makanya kami sama sekali menutup kemungkinan ada orang luar partai yang akan diusung,” ujar Puan.


Saat ini PDI Perjuangan belum menentukan siapa yang akan menjadi calon presiden karena sesuai dengan keputusan Kongres III lalu di Bali, posisi ketua umum tidak secara serta merta menjadi calon presiden.


Keputusan utama siapa yang akan menjadi calon presiden, lanjut Puan, masih berada di tangan ketua umum seperti mandat yang dihasilkan pada saat kongres di Bali tersebut.
“Jadi siapa saja yang akan ditunjuk oleh Ketua Umum entah orang yang telah disiapkan atau Ketua sendiri itu tergantung padanya (Megawati),” ujar Puan.


Puan sendiri mengatakan, siapa yang akan menjadi calon presiden dari PDIP akan berdasar pada hasil survey dan permintaan dari masyarakat sendiri. “Terlalu naïf ketika PDI Perjuangan mengusung calon yang sama sekali tidak diterima oleh masyarakat. Oleh karena itu mekanisme penentuan calon nantinya tetap akan melihat dari keinginan masyarakat sendiri,” kata Puan.“Kalaupun ibu Megawati mau maju kembali dan didukung oleh hasil survey serta permintaan masyarakat, maka DPP akan siap mendukung penuh.”


Jadi, keputusan Megawati Soekarno Putri untuk tidak lagi maju sebagai calon Presiden pada Pemilihan Umum 2014 mendatang saat sesi konferensi pers pada pembukaan Rapat Koordinasi Nasional III di Manado, Rabu 27 Juli kemarin, menurut Puan, bukan keputusan final dari Megawati. "Penentuan calon presiden PDI Perjuangan nanti masih tergantung pada keputusan Ketua Umum Megawati sendiri," kata Puan.


ISA ANSHAR JUSUF