Yang Dicari-cari: PRD

Rabu, 25 Juli 2012 08:32:09 Klandestin PRD, rapat di hutan sampai kamuflase pengajian Merdeka.com Reporter: Laurencius Simanjuntak Berdiri pada 22 Juli 1996 atau saat Orde Baru sedang buas-buasnya, tentu bukan perkara mudah bagi Partai Rakyat Demokratik (PRD). Apalagi, ketika itu partai berhaluan sosialis-demokrat tersebut dengan tegas menyatakan perlawanan terhadap kekuasaan Soeharto. "30 Tahun, delapan bulan dan 22 hari kekuasaan Orde baru," cetus Ketua Umum PRD, Budiman Sudjatmiko, menghitung usia kekuasaan Soehato saat itu. Pidato Budiman tersebut kemudian dikenal sebagai Manifesto Partai yang dibacakan tepat 22 Juli 1996 atau 16 tahun yang lalu. Deklarasi PRD di Kantor YLBHI itu jelas bukan gerakan sporadis karena Orba kelewat bengis. Tapi cita-cita revolusi PRD saat itu sungguh-sungguh serius. Lama sebelum akhirnya dideklarasikan menjadi partai, PRD yang semula bernama Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik, sudah bergerak secara klandestin. "Kami biasanya melakukan konsolidasi berpindah-pindah tempat untuk menghindari penciuman aparat intelijen," kata Budiman saat berbincang dengan merdeka.com di Jakarta, Rabu (25/7). Semua tahu, di era kekuasaannya, Soeharto menempatkan aparat intelijen sampai ke desa-desa untuk mencium indikasi-indikasi gerakan pembangkangan terhadap pemerintahan otoriternya. 'Sehelai rambut jatuh pun Soeharto tahu,' demikian hiperbola bagi sang penguasa saat itu. Untuk mengindar dari 'radar' Soeharto itulah, PRD kerap menjauhi keramaian saat hendak berdiskusi atau menggelar rapat-rapat konsolidasi. Tepi hutan atau lereng gunung akhirnya menjadi pilihan. "Kita pernah rapat di sebuah hutan tembakau di ujung timur laut Jakarta, di mana kami harus naik perahu berjam-jam," kisah Budiman yang sekarang menjadi anggota DPR dari Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP). Namun dari sekian banyak, kata Budiman, paling sering rapat dilakukan di pesantren atau seminari. "Karena kebetulan banyak aktivis-aktivis PRD yang berasal dari kalangan pesantren atau calon-calon pastur yang gagal," kata Budiman sambil tertawa. Untuk urusan kamuflase pengajian, Faisol Riza adalah jagonya. Berlatar belakang pesantren, pria kurus yang kini menjadi Staf Khusus Menakertrans itu, kerap menggunakan jaringannya para kiai di pesantren Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) untuk tempat mengumpat. Sementara untuk seminari, PRD sering menggunakan jejaring kadernya, Fransisca Ria Susanti. "Pernah saat aparat memaksa masuk, kita langsung menaruh Alquran di depan dan menyembunyikan dokumen-dokumen kongres di bawah pantat kita," ujarnya. Agar gampang disembunyikan, kata Budiman, dokumen atau diktat bahan diskusi dicetak dalam bentuk brosur-brosur kecil. "Jadi hurufnya pun sangat kecil-kecil," kata Budiman sambil mengernyitkan dahi. Namun, tak semua kamuflase acara rohani itu berjalan mulus. Jika sudah tercium intelijen, kata dia, biasanya para kiai pondok pesantren atau pastor-pastor yang mengasuh seminari menggunakan otoritasnya untuk mencegah aparat masuk. "Alasannya bahwa yang di dalam itu adalah santri-santri yang mengaji atau mahasiswa-mahasiwa yang sedang retret rohani," ujarnya. Semua gerakan klandestin yang menyerempet bahaya itu, kata Budiman, menunjukkan perjuangan untuk demokratisasi melawan kediktatoran Orba bukan cuma perjuangan fisik atau praktik. "Tapi juga perjuangan teori," katanya. Artinya, lanjut Budiman, PRD menuntut kader-kadernya tidak hanya pintar mengorganisir aksi massa, menghadapi moncong senapan atau gas air mata, tetapi juga wajib membaca dan menulis artikel untuk menjelaskan argumentasi sikap politik mereka. "Mereka harus siap berlatih semuanya tanpa fasilitas. Harus siap dalam situasi apa pun, di kebun, di hutan, di pantai, di pesantren, kampus atau seminari-seminari," ujarnya. Meski cita-cita revolusi akhirnya gagal, gerakan bawah tanah PRD sekian tahun itu membawa hasil yang tidak terlalu mengecewakan. PRD mampu membangun tak kurang dari 14 pengurus di tingkat provinsi dan 150-an cabang di level kabupaten/kota. Pada Pemilu 1999, partai bernomor urut 16 yang baru seumur jagung itu berhasil mengumpulkan 78 ribu suara. Diaspora kader-kader PRD pun kini beragam. Ada yang menjadi anggota dewan, staf khusus Presiden, jubir menteri, petinggi LSM, jurnalis handal, ideolog serikat buruh, pembela petani tembakau, pimpinan parpol di daerah-daerah, dan sebagainya. Ini semua tak akan mungkin tanpa perlawanan. [did]

diaspora yahudi

Kebebasan ETNIS@kota WALI

Denyut Toleransi di Kota Wali Penulis : | Sabtu, 21 Juli 2012 | 21:33 WIB Oleh Rini Kustiasih Beberapa meter dari Pasar Jagasatru, Kota Cirebon, Jawa Barat, Nur Hayati (64), alias Tjiang Kwa, duduk di tepi jalan, dengan meja kecil, menjajakan aneka pepesan. Lewat pepesan itu, konsep Bhinneka Tunggal Ika melebur bersama denyut warga ”Kota Wali” ini. Tidak susah mengenali Tjiang Kwa. Parasnya ayu dan putih di usianya yang senja, mudah ditemukan di antara pelanggan yang pada sore pekan lalu membeli pepesan buatannya. ”Yah bagenlah, nemratusan bae ya (Ya sudahlah, Rp 600 saja, ya),” kata Tjiang Kwa, sambil menyerahkan lima pepesan oncom terakhir yang tersisa dalam plastik. Dagangannya pun ludes terjual. Perempuan yang murah senyum ini bersukacita menceritakan Cirebon, tanah kelahirannya. Menurut Tjiang Kwa, warga kotanya terbuka, tak usil, dan bertoleransi tinggi. ”Dengan tetangga sekitar, saya tak pernah bertengkar hanya karena saya keturunan Tionghoa. Semua tidak ada bedanya,” ujarnya. Tjiang Kwa tinggal di Kampung Purwasari, Kelurahan Pulasaren, sekitar 1 kilometer arah barat dari Keraton Kasepuhan Cirebon. Tak jauh dari sana ada Jalan Petratean dan Pekalipan sebagai pusat perdagangan hasil bumi. Kebanyakan pedagang keturunan Tionghoa. Kehangatan relasi sosial, seperti dirasakan Tjiang Kwa, sejatinya dibangun sejak abad ke-14 oleh Syarif Hidayatullah yang juga dikenal sebagai Sunan Gunung Jati. Melalui dialog kebudayaan, Gunung Jati mengakomodasi tradisi lama dengan napas keislaman yang damai dan percaya diri. Seperti diterangkan R Achmad Opan Safari Hasyim, pengajar Sejarah Peradaban Islam di Institut Agama Islam Negeri Syekh Nurjati, Cirebon, yang meneliti naskah kuno dan Babad Cirebon. Opan mencatat, dalam Kitab Purwaka Caruban Nagari karya Pangeran Arya Carbon, yang ditulis sekitar abad ke-17, disebutkan asal kata Cirebon adalah sarumban, yang berkembang menjadi caruban, yang artinya campuran. Orang dari berbagai etnis dan agama campur baur di kota pelabuhan ini. Banyak pendatang singgah mengisi perbekalan atau berdagang. Kompleks keraton, kini ada tiga keraton di Cirebon, yakni Kasepuhan, Kanoman, dan Kacirebonan, serta satu perguruan Kaprabonan, pun kaya akulturasi budaya. Bangunan Siti Inggil di Kasepuhan dan Kanoman, misalnya, mengadopsi gerbang berupa bangunan berundak dari Hindu. Tembok dihiasi keramik dari China. Masjid Agung Sang Cipta Rasa di Kasepuhan juga dibangun dengan atap limasan dan pintu gerbang menyerupai pura berwarna merah. Saat Belanda masuk ke Cirebon pada abad ke-16, unsur Kristen mewarnai peradaban Kota Wali. Ruang Prabayaksa di Keraton Kasepuhan, misalnya, dindingnya dihiasi porselen Verenigde Oost Indische Compagnie (VOC). Setiap keramik menggambarkan cerita nabi dalam Injil Perjanjian Lama. Interaksi harmonis Pola interaksi sosial antarwarga yang berbeda suku, agama, ras, dan golongan merujuk pada keraton dengan Sunan Gunung Jati sebagai simbol. Terjadi pula zonasi tempat tinggal yang alamiah di antara dua komunitas besar pendatang, yakni Tionghoa dan Arab, dengan keraton sebagai sentral. Komunitas Tionghoa tinggal di pecinan yang dekat dengan keraton. Pecinan berada di daerah Lemahwungkuk, tempat pertama kali Kerajaan Pakungwati (sekitar tahun 1430) didirikan Pangeran Walangsungsang, putra mahkota Kerajaan Padjadjaran sekaligus paman Syarif Hidayatullah dari garis keturunan Sunda. Lebih jauh ke utara-barat, sekitar 1,5 kilometer dari keraton, ada Kauman, yakni kampung keturunan Arab di sekitar Masjid Panjunan. Masjid ini dibangun oleh Syekh Abdurrahman dari Baghdad, Irak, tahun 1480. Kholid bin Zou (62), tokoh keturunan Arab, menuturkan, sebagian besar orang Arab di kota itu berasal dari Yaman. Ada juga dari Arab Saudi, tetapi jumlahnya sedikit. Mereka merantau ke Cirebon lantaran kondisi di negaranya serba sulit. ”Ayah saya tiba di Cirebon tahun 1917. Ketika itu Kesultanan Cirebon masih kuat. Keluarga kami sering diundang keraton untuk mengikuti berbagai acara,” kenang Kholid menirukan cerita ayahnya yang memiliki 12 anak. Semua anak Zou lahir di Cirebon, tetapi cuma Kholid yang bertahan di kota kelahirannya. ”Ibu yang asli Tegal mencegah saya berangkat ke Yaman,” katanya. Umumnya, keturunan Arab generasi pertama, seperti ayah Kholid, membuka usaha pertenunan kain sarung dan berdagang hasil bumi. Keturunan mereka menyebar di Kecamatan Kejaksan dan Lemahwungkuk. Kini mereka banyak memiliki toko di Jalan Panjunan dan Kolektoran. Keharmonisan Arab-Tionghoa itu juga masih bisa ditemui dari rumah bergaya Hokkian yang tersisa di daerah Panjunan. Sedikitnya ada lima rumah bergaya Hokkian di Kauman, dicirikan dengan atap melengkung, banyak jendela di loteng, dan pintu di bawah untuk berdagang. Dalam hubungan dengan kelompok yang terlebih dahulu ada di Cirebon, seperti warga Sunda dan Jawa, Sunan Gunung Jati tidak membeda-bedakan perlakuan. Bahkan, untuk urusan penyebaran agama dan penyelesaian konflik, dia yang adalah salah satu penyebar Islam di Jawa mengutamakan cara damai sesuai adat setempat. Editor : Desk Multimedia

56 Tahun dst @Kebebasan BERIBADAH

Masjid-Gereja di Tanjung Priok Cermin Toleransi Beragama Penulis : Galih Prasetyo | Rabu, 25 Juli 2012 | 05:11 WIB JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com -- Ada pemandangan menarik di Jalan Enggano No.52 Tanjung Priok, Jakarta Utara. Masjid dan Gereja berdampingan. Masjid Al-Muqarrabin persis berdempetan dengan Gereja Protestan Mahanaim. Ketua Jemaat Gereja Mahanaim Pendeta Nyonya Tatalede Barakati menjelaskan bangunan gereja sudah berdiri sejak tahun 1957. Menurutnya, masjid Al-Muqarrabin berdiri dua tahun setelah gereja berdiri. "Gereja ini (usianya, red) sudah masuk ke-55 tahun, dibangun dari tahun 1957. Sedangkan masjidnya baru ada sekitar dua tahun setelah gereja berdiri. Satu tembok, satu dinding," kata Pendeta Tatalede Barakati saat ditemui Kompas.com di Gereja Mahanaim, Jakarta Utara, Selasa (24/7/2012). Tatalede mengatakan, hubungan yang sudah terjalin antara pengurus gereja dan masjid tidak pernah menemui masalah. Apabila ada acara keagamaan, seperti bulan suci Ramadhan, Lebaran atau Natal mereka saling mendukung. Meskipun pihak gereja mengaku belum pernah membuat acara bersama. "Kalau acara bersama sih belum ada. Tetapi kita saling mendukung. Kami memberikan bantuan juga. Kalau mereka (pihak pengurus masjid) butuh apa, mereka biasanya memberi tahu kami. Begitu pula sebaliknya," tutur Tatalede. Di bulan Ramadhan ini, pihak gereja menjadwalkan akan menggelar buka puasa dengan menyediakan tajil. Sebab, kegiatan serupa juga pernah digelar pada Ramadhan tahun kemarin. Namun hingga kini Tatalede mengaku masih menunggu kabar dari pihak masjid untuk acara buka bersama itu. Biasanya, kata Tatalede, buka puasa bersama dilakukan pertengahan Ramadhan yang diorganisir pihak masjid dan melibatkan warga sekitar. Tahun lalu buka puasa bersama diadakan di sekitar Jalan Melur I, Koja, Jakarta Utara, tak jauh dari lokasi gereja-masjid. "Pada bulan puasa lalu kami membagikan santapan berbuka, seperti kolak. Biasanya dilakukan pertengahan Ramadhan. Kita menunggu kabar dari mereka (pihak masjid)," kata Tatalede. Saat Lebaran pun, kata Tatalade, pihak gereja turut membantu mempersiapkan untuk shalat Idul Fitri. Misalnya, jika shalat Ied bertepatan pada Minggu, pengurus gereja bersedia mengalah dengan cara meniadakan acara mereka. Sementara apabila pihak gereja menggelar ibadah, maka pihak pengurus masjid mempersilakan lahan parkirnya digunakan jemaat gereja. "Selama 55 tahun itu ya hubungan kita akrab. Kami saling mengunjungi. Kami saling perhatian. Kami anggap saudara," ujar Tatalede. Namun kini masjid dan gereja yang berdiri harmonis itu akan direlokasi dengan alasan pelebaran jalan. Gereja akan direlokasi ke Jalan Melur No.5, RT.006 RW 013, Kelurahan Rawa Badak Utara, Kecamatan Koja, Jakarta Utara. Gereja baru sedang dalam proses pembangunan. Sedangkan masjid Al-Muqarrabin belum diketahui akan dipindah kemana. Editor : Farid Assifa

3 April 33 M

Jum'at, 8 Juni 2012 | 04:51 WIB Sains & Teknologi Ilmuwan Temukan Waktu Kematian Yesus Yesus meninggal Jumat, 3 April 33 Masehi. Sabtu, 26 Mei 2012, 14:59 WIB Karlina Octaviany VIVAnews - Yesus wafat pada Jumat, 3 April 33 Masehi. Inilah hasil investigasi kaitan kematian Yesus dengan gempa bumi. Penelitian ini digelar oleh Peninjau Geologi Internasional (IGR) dengan melihat aktivitas gempa sekitar Laut Mati. Gempa ini bersumber sekitar 13 mil dari Yerusalem. Injil Matius Bab 27 mengatakan ketika Yesus meninggal saat disalib, gempa mengejutkan terjadi di lokasi itu. Tanah bergetar dan langit tiba-tiba gelap. Kini peneliti menelusuri konteks teks tersebut dengan dukungan rekaman geologi, dan data astronomi. Penggabungan data untuk mencari tanggal kemungkinan waktu kematian Yesus. Pakar geologi Supersonic Geophysical, Jefferson Williams dan koleganya dari Pusat Penelitian Ilmu Geologi Jerman mempelajari sampel tanah dari pantai Ein Gedi Spa, di dekat Laut Mati. Setelah menggali hingga ke lapisan tanah terdalam, dua gempa bisa dideteksi dengan melihat sendimen yang membentuk lapisan. Varves yang menjadi sebutan untuk lapisan tanah yang diteliti itu dibangun setiap tahun. Penyebaran gempa terjadi mulai pada 31SM. Gempa lain menghempas pada 26 Masehi dan 36 Masehi. Williams mengatakan kepada Discovery, gempa terakhir terjadi pada tahun ketika Pontius Pilate menjadi penguasa Yudea. Inilah saat gempa yang disebutkan dalam Injil Matius terjadi. Menurut Williams seperti dilansir dari Daily Mail, hari dan tanggal Yesus disalib masih belum pasti. Tapi, tahun kematian sudah sesuai. Williams mencari petunjuk dengan mencocokan semua data-data dari Injil. Hari Jumat dipilih karena semua Injil menyatakan penyaliban terjadi pada hari itu. Peneliti mengatakan petunjuk ini dikombinasikan dengan kalender Yahudi dan data astronomi. Hasilnya, Jumat 3 April 33 Masehi merupakan kemungkinan paling tepat. (adi)

20 taon mengejar angin demokrasi myanmar

Myanmar opposition claims by-election win for Suu Kyi Photo Sun, Apr 1 2012 By Aung Hla Tun and Andrew R.C. Marshall YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi won a seat in parliament on Sunday, her party said, after an historic by-election that is testing the country's nascent reform credentials and could persuade the West to end sanctions. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party claimed victories in at least 19 of the 45 available seats and announced to loud cheers that the Nobel Peace Prize laureate had won in Kawhmu, southwest of the commercial capital Yangon, raising the prospect of a sizable political role following a two-decade struggle against military dictatorship. The charismatic and wildly popular Suu Kyi, who suffered from illness and exhaustion on the campaign trail, did not address the crowd but issued a statement asking supporters to respect the other parties. "It is natural that the NLD members and their supporters are joyous at this point," Suu Kyi said. "However, it is necessary to avoid manners and actions that will make the other parties and members upset. It is very important that NLD members take special care that the success of the people is a dignified one." Traffic around the NLD's crumbling Yangon offices ground to a halt as about 2,000 supporters gathered, waving flags and cheering as one by one, NLD candidates claimed victories. "We keep hearing we have had more success but we need to hear it from our candidates," a party official told Reuters. The Election Commission had yet to confirm any of the results and officials from the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) could not be reached for comment. The United States and the European Union have hinted that they may lift some sanctions - imposed over the past two decades in response to human rights abuses - if the election is free and fair, unleashing a wave of investment in the impoverished but resource-rich country bordering rising powers India and China. Suu Kyi had complained last week of "irregularities", though none were significant enough for any immediate dispute. Voters filed into makeshift polling stations from dawn, some gushing with excitement after casting ballots for the frail Suu Kyi, or "Aunty Suu" as she is affectionately known. Among supporters who voted in her rustic constituency of bamboo-thatched homes in Kawhmu, there was little doubt she would win. "Almost everyone we asked voted for Aunty Suu," said Ko Myint Aung, a 27-year-old shop owner. To be regarded as credible, the vote needs the blessing of Suu Kyi, who was freed from house arrest in November 2010, six days after a widely criticized general election that paved the way for the end of 49 years of direct army rule and the opening of a parliament stacked with retired or serving military. President Thein Sein, a general in the former military junta, has surprised the world with the most dramatic political reforms since the military took power in a 1962 coup in the former British colony then known as Burma. In just one year, the government has freed hundreds of political prisoners, held peace talks with ethnic rebels, relaxed strict media censorship, allowed trade unions, and showed signs of pulling back from the powerful economic and political orbit of its giant neighbor China. It was rewarded last November when Hillary Clinton made the first visit to the country by a U.S. secretary of state since 1955. Business executives, mostly from Asia but many from Europe, have swarmed to Yangon in recent weeks to hunt for investment opportunities in the country of 60 million people, one of the last frontier markets in Asia. A small number of officials from Western countries and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) were invited to attend the polls but given only a few days to prepare. They called themselves "visitors" rather than observers. "Whatever irregularities we saw ... did not seem to be out of bad will or intentions. It was more lack of experience or knowledge," said EU delegate Malgorzata Wasilewska, adding that irregularities could still occur in the counting process. CHANGING TIMES The 2010 election was condemned as rigged to favor the USDP, a party formed by the junta before it ceded power a year ago. The USDP is by far the biggest party in the legislature. The NLD boycotted that vote. But just as Myanmar is changing, so too is Suu Kyi. Many see her now, at 66, as more politically astute, more realistic and ready to compromise. She has described Thein Sein as "honest" and "sincere" and accepted his appeal for the NLD to take part. Her top priorities, she says, are introducing the rule of law, ending long-simmering ethnic insurgencies and amending the 2008 constitution that ensures the military retains a political stake and its strong influence over the country. Many expect Suu Kyi to exert considerable influence and some wonder if conservatives would dare oppose her ideas in parliament given her popularity, especially ahead of a general election in 2015. Many MPs want to be seen aligned with her, basking in her popular support. The election has not gone smoothly. Suu Kyi has suffered sickness and accused rivals of vandalizing NLD posters, padding electoral registers and "many, many cases of intimidation." Some of these infractions, however, are quite minor compared with elections elsewhere in Southeast Asia, where vote-buying and even assassinations are common. On Friday the NLD said a betel nut had been catapulted at one of its candidates and a haystack set on fire close to where another was due to give a speech. It made fresh claims of irregularities on Sunday, alleging coercion by the USDP and damage of ballot papers. Some critics say Suu Kyi is working too closely with a government stacked with the same former generals who persecuted dissidents, and fear she is being exploited to persuade the West to end sanctions and make the legislature appear effective. Others have almost impossibly high hopes for her to accelerate reforms once she enters parliament. "Too many expectations are dangerous," says Ko Ko Gyi, a former political prisoner. "She is not a magician." Some U.S. restrictions such as visa bans and asset freezes could be lifted quickly if the election goes smoothly, diplomats say, while the EU may end its ban on investment in timber and the mining of gemstones and metals. But some critics say sanctions should remain in place to encourage more reforms and ensure all political prisoners are freed and bloody conflicts with ethnic militias cease. "Giving the NLD the ability to win an extremely limited number of seats in parliament is not enough," said Joe Crowley, who in January made the first visit to Myanmar by a U.S. congressman in 12 years. "Now is not the time for the international community to rush toward lifting pressure on Burma." (Additional reporting by Paul Eckert in Washington; Writing by Martin Petty; Editing by Tim Pearce)

a methadone mosque, how 'bout church

Malaysian Mosque Is Also a Methadone Clinic By LIZ GOOCH KUALA LUMPUR — Every Monday and Thursday morning, the slightly built man rides the bus for an hour and a half from his home on the outskirts of Kuala Lumpur to the Ar-Rahman mosque. After reciting his prayers, he climbs the stairs to the mosque’s mezzanine level, gives a urine sample and consults a doctor. A pharmacist then gives him a small plastic cup containing methadone, to help wean him from his heroin addiction. The man, who did not want to be identified because of the stigma surrounding illicit drug use in the Muslim-majority country, said he had injected heroin for seven years before coming to the Ar-Rahman mosque about a year ago. “It makes me no longer take heroin on the street,” he said, referring to the methadone. “It makes me able to work.” Some Muslim scholars believe that drugs that may prevent Muslims from carrying out their religious duties are forbidden under Islam, and Malaysia enforces strict laws, including the death penalty, for drug trafficking. Penalties for those found in possession of heroin include a fine, up to life in prison and whipping, depending on the amount. But at Ar-Rahman mosque, doctors from the University of Malaya have succeeded in getting the religious authorities onboard in what the World Health Organization says is the world’s first methadone program operating out of a mosque. Doctors plan to expand the program to two more mosques in Kuala Lumpur in coming months. Malaysia has an estimated 170,000 intravenous-drug users, with heroin the most commonly used drug. Opiate users accounted for about half of all drug users arrested in 2010, and the amount of heroin seized that year was the highest reported during the past five years, according to a recent report by the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. Most heroin in Malaysia is from Myanmar, Laos and west Asia, but some is also processed domestically, the report found. While some countries have been using methadone to treat heroin addicts for decades, Malaysia introduced a nationwide government-financed program in 2005. Previously, the University of Malaya ran a program where patients had to pay for treatment. The success of that program, combined with the alarming spread of H.I.V. among intravenous drug users, prompted the government to introduce its own program with free dosages in 2005. Clean needle exchanges were introduced the following year. The number of new H.I.V. infections reached almost 7,000 in 2002; by 2005 that figure had dropped to just over 6,100, with intravenous drug use the main mode of transmission. Before the introduction of methadone, heroin addicts were sent to government rehabilitation centers for two years where they would go “cold turkey,” an approach doctors said led to a high relapse rate. But while the number of methadone programs has expanded since 2005, a shortage of clinics with adequate space and facilities meant that many people who might have benefited from the treatment were still missing out, said Dr. Rusdi Abdul Rashid, chief coordinator of the University of Malaya’s Center of Addiction Sciences , which runs the Ar-Rahman program. When doctors first approached the mosque authorities and the government departments of Islamic Development, which must approve activities in Malaysian mosques, they encountered strong opposition. The authorities feared that methadone was forbidden in Islam, Dr. Rusdi said. But the doctors explained that methadone was different from other drugs because it is a medication and does not give patients a euphoric feeling. “They agreed to allow us to pilot the program,” Dr. Rusdi said in an interview. The program, which began in 2010, now has 50 patients whose ages range from 18 to 60. When they first join the program, patients must take the methadone under the watchful eye of pharmacists. After a couple of months and at least two consecutive urine tests that show they are negative for drugs, patients are allowed to take up to three doses home with them. While the Malaysian methadone program marks the first one based in a mosque, the Islamic authorities have become involved in the fight against drugs in other countries, like China and Indonesia, where some Islamic organizations run rehabilitation centers. Malaysia’s national Department of Islamic Development said it agreed to allow the methadone program at Ar-Rahman mosque after the National Fatwa Council granted permission for the use of methadone on the condition that it is taken under a doctor’s supervision. “The use of methadone at Ar-Rahman mosque was permitted by religious authority because it is considered as a type of medicine that can be used as a treatment to drug addicts,” the department said in a statement. “JAKIM believes this program can make the mosque as a social center for the community,” the department said, using the Malay acronym for its title. Nizam Yussof, treasurer of the Ar-Rahman mosque, said the mosque committee agreed to host the program because it was helping people change their lives for the better. “A lot of them are already in good health, already have a proper job, some of them have also married and have a new family,” he said. “I believe what the organization is doing is a good move.” But not everyone agrees. Mr. Nizam said that some worshipers had expressed concern and wanted to know why the program could not be based in a clinic. “Some of our people look at drug addicts, some people think it’s not good to see them waiting around the mosque,” he said. Dr. Rusdi said he wanted to continue working closely with the mosque to help remove the stigma surrounding drug users. In a report released last year , the World Health Organization said while discrimination against drug users remained high in Malaysia, their access to health care had increased in recent years. The report referred specifically to the Ar-Rahman mosque. Since the introduction of methadone and needle-exchange programs, the number of new H.I.V. cases has dropped by almost half, with the number of new infections in 2009 — 3,080 — the lowest since 1993. However, new infections rose to 3,652 in 2010, the last year for which figures are available, as sex overtook intravenous drug use as the main mode of transmission. The Malaysian AIDS Council , an umbrella organization of groups working on H.I.V./AIDS issues, says that Muslim men in Malaysia are still most at risk of contracting H.I.V. through intravenous drug use and has strongly supported the Ar-Rahman program. “We are currently campaigning to other religious authorities and leaders in the country to adopt this program,” said the council’s president, Mohammad Zaman Khan. At Ar-Rahman mosque, the Ministry of Health provides the methadone dosages for free and pays for the two pharmacists who dispense the methadone while doctors from the University of Malaya and general practitioners attend once a week to assess patients. Each patient pays 15 ringgit, or about $4.90, a week to participate. Dr. Rusdi said the treatment also involves “spiritual enhancement,” which he said is often a feature of drug treatment programs regardless of the patient’s religion. In this program, for the first eight weeks patients must perform their prayers before they see a doctor and receive methadone. After that, reciting prayers is not compulsory but Dr. Rusdi said it is encouraged, as is attending weekly religious talks, additional elements he believes may help prevent patients from relapsing. The Department of Islamic Development was also involved in designing this part of the program. “We think that spiritual treatment can have a better outcome on top of methadone treatment in terms of retention rates and treatment, H.I.V. risk behavior and also the quality of life,” Dr. Rusdi said. The University of Malaya is planning to expand its program after receiving invitations from two other mosques in Kuala Lumpur. To save costs, it hopes to begin a mobile service where a van will ferry a doctor and a pharmacist to the mosques to deliver the program. There are also plans to establish a similar program at two Hindu temples in Kuala Lumpur. Dr. Rusdi said he did not know of any temples or Christian churches that currently provide such services in Malaysia. On a recent Thursday, the men who came barefoot up the stairs to the clinic were a mix of young and old. A 48-year-old man who gave his name only as Carlos said he began coming to the mosque about a year ago after using heroin for three decades. Carlos, who earns a living performing music on some of the capital’s most popular tourist streets, said that, since he stopped taking heroin, he had been able to buy his family a small house. “I think it’s very good,” he said of the program, clutching three small bottles of methadone that must last until his next visit. “In Christianity, they have addicts using churches,” he said of programs in other countries. “But Muslims can also use the mosque to help people like us.”